The Amendments on Your Ballot, and How We Got Here

Votes on B: S.J.R. 2 passed the Senate 21–8 and the House 55–17. The no votes included every Democrat plus 2 Republican senators and 4 Republican representatives (Ballotpedia, March 10, 2025).

Who raises taxes: Democrats last controlled both the Legislature and the governor's office after the 1964 election (Utah History Encyclopedia); the last Democratic governor left office in 1985 (Utah State Capitol). The Legislature has passed at least 9 tax increases or new taxing powers since 2015, among them H.B. 362 (2015 fuel tax and indexing), S.B. 2001 (2019 food tax, repealed after a citizen referendum) and S.B. 169 (2024, 15% MIDA lodging tax). When it rewrote Prop 3 in 2019 it kept the full 0.15% sales tax (Ballotpedia).

The largest recent tax-increase initiative: Our Schools Now (2018) raised over $2 million for a school tax. Top donors were Utah business leaders, including Gail Miller ($250,000), Vivint ($150,000), and Kem Gardner's family partnership, Zions and Karen Huntsman ($100,000 each); its chairman was a Zions Bank executive (disclosures.utah.gov). It ended in a deal with the Legislature.

Outside money: out-of-state groups did fund the 2018 initiatives (KUER, Oct. 15, 2018). Outside money also reaches legislative races; see the outside-money card below.

Right: bills need "the majority of all the members elected to each house" (Utah Const. Art. VI, Sec. 22), 38 of 75 and 15 of 29, and a veto override needs two-thirds of each house (Art. VII, Sec. 8). In Feb. 2018 a cannabis bill (H.B. 197) first failed 36–34 because it "needed 38 votes, a constitutional majority" (KSL).

Context: before any vote, initiative sponsors need signatures from 8% of active voters statewide (140,748 for 2026) and in 26 of 29 Senate districts. A statewide initiative "must be submitted to voters at a regular, general election" (Utah Code 20A-7-203, -208), held in November of even-numbered years (20A-1-102), so it always shares the ballot with a midterm or presidential race. "The governor may not veto a law adopted by the people," but the law takes effect 60 days after the next legislative session, and the Legislature can amend it by its normal majority (Utah Code 20A-7-212).

Right: the Legislature counts all members elected, absences included; an initiative counts those voting.

Doesn't apply: statewide initiatives go only on the even-year regular general election ballot (Utah Code 20A-7-203, -208; 20A-1-102), so there is no off-year scenario. Using the commenter's own turnout figures, a midterm initiative needs about 22% of eligible voters at a majority and about 26% at 60%; a presidential-year one about 30% and 36%. The turnout figures themselves were not checked.

Prop 2 correction: Prop 2 did not raise a tax. Its fiscal statement showed fees covering about $1.4 million of ongoing costs and a sales-tax exemption costing about $1.6 million (FOX 13, citing the Governor's budget office). Medical cannabis is still exempt from sales tax (Marijuana Policy Project). Prop 3 did raise one: 0.15% statewide.

B applies only to initiatives "subject to a vote that occurs after November 1, 2026" (S.J.R. 2 text, le.utah.gov). It does not reach back. The Legislature already changed all three 2018 initiatives (H.B. 3001, S.B. 96, S.B. 200). Going forward, only Prop 3, which included a tax, would have needed 60%; Prop 4 had no tax. See What voters passed vs. what changed.

2018 (KUER, Oct. 15, 2018): Prop 3 raised nearly $2.3 million, "the vast majority" from The Fairness Project (Washington, D.C.). Prop 4 got more than $500,000 from the Texas-based Action Now Initiative. Prop 2 got more than $150,000 from the D.C.-based Marijuana Policy Project; its opponents, Drug Safe Utah, raised about $766,000, mostly from a handful of wealthy Utahns.

Candidates (disclosures.utah.gov): Meta's PAC, Forge the Future Project, made $270,000 in independent expenditures in one day (June 11, 2026) for two legislative candidates. One New York donor gave $429,500 to Utah politics from 2022 to 2026, including $100,000 to Gov. Cox.

Judiciary: confirmed, but this year. S.B. 134 expanded the Supreme Court from 5 to 7 and was signed in January 2026. Chief Justice Matthew Durrant told lawmakers the court had "essentially no backlog," and the Utah State Bar said the bills would "fundamentally remake the state's judicial system" (Salt Lake Tribune, Jan. 31, 2026).

Signatures: the rule uses Senate districts, not counties: 8% in 26 of 29. A county rule (20 of 29) was struck down in Gallivan v. Walker (2002 UT 89).

Prop 4 repeal: right that the district rule sank it. The effort, led by Utah GOP chair Rob Axson, turned in over 200,000 signatures (160,000+ verified); withdrawals in Senate District 15 dropped it below 8% there (Ballotpedia, March 28, 2026). It was declared failed in April (Utah News Dispatch). It was a party initiative, not a Legislature measure.

Your house: voters can't take it; the Utah Constitution says "Private property shall not be taken or damaged for public use without just compensation" (Art. I, Sec. 22). Government can, through eminent domain, with no public vote, for uses listed in Utah Code 78B-6-501, including roads "including for access to a development," power lines, pipelines and power-plant sites.

Your taxes: B adds no limit on the Legislature (majority of members elected) or on local governments, which can raise property taxes through Truth in Taxation hearings with no public vote, as Weber County did for its 7.25% increase. It applies only to citizen initiatives.

Voter supermajorities exist: Arizona's Prop 132 (2022) requires "any initiative that would create a new tax to receive 60% of the vote" and passed (AZFamily). Florida has required 60% for constitutional amendments since 2006; in 2024 its marijuana and abortion amendments won majorities and failed (Axios).

Not only rules: the U.S. Constitution itself requires two-thirds to override a veto, ratify a treaty or convict on impeachment, and two-thirds of Congress plus three-fourths of the states to amend it. The Senate filibuster is a rule, as the commenter said.

Trigger: 60% applies when "the initiated legislation includes" a tax increase (S.J.R. 2). The Legislature cannot add a tax to an initiative's text before the vote. The pressure point is S.B. 73 (2025): sponsors must describe how an initiative is funded, and the Lt. Governor can reject the description after consulting the Legislative Fiscal Analyst. The 60% is of votes, not signatures.

Court (confirmed): S.B. 134 expanded the court to 7 (Ballotpedia). Justice Hagen resigned in May 2026 after Gov. Cox, Speaker Schultz and President Adams announced an investigation in April; the Utah GOP was campaigning against her retention (Election Law Blog). Chief Justice Durrant retired Aug. 31. Jay Jorgensen and Stephen Dent were confirmed June 17 (25–4, 22–7); neither had been a judge (KUER). Matthew Bell (district judge since 2017) and Michael Menssen (no judicial experience) were nominated Aug. 28 (KUER). Whether any are "loyalists" is a judgment, not a record.

Not checked: "made up their own court," a second justice "up for retention," and the party-messaging claim.

The text requires "at least 60% of those voting on the legislation if the initiated legislation includes: the imposition of a new tax; an expansion of an existing tax to include additional items or transactions subject to the tax; an increase in an existing tax rate; or for a property tax, a change to the tax rate that causes the tax rate to decrease less than it would under current law" (2026 amendment booklet, le.utah.gov). Changing it would take another amendment: two-thirds of each house, then a majority of voters (Art. XXIII, Sec. 1). "New tax" is not defined in the text.

B covers only statewide citizen initiatives that include a tax increase, as S.J.R. 2 defines it. Other initiatives, tax-cut-only initiatives and referendums still need a simple majority. The YES/NO graphic was corrected Oct. 7 (see the dated note).

Salt Lake County has about 1.22 million of Utah's 3.54 million people, about 34.5% (USAFacts / U.S. Census, 2025), so it cannot reach 50% or 60% by itself. Utah once required initiative signatures in 20 of 29 counties; the Utah Supreme Court struck that down in Gallivan v. Walker (2002 UT 89), finding it was "diluting the power of urban registered voters and heightening the power of rural registered voters." Today's rule uses Senate districts, which have roughly equal populations.

Scope: B raises the bar only for initiatives that include a tax increase; other initiatives and referendums are unchanged. Initiatives already face signature, funding-description (S.B. 73) and post-passage amendment checks. Amendment A is about how amendments are published, not initiative thresholds; it passed 70–0 and 29–0.

Math: under B, 41% of voters could block a tax-increase initiative. Both sides on record: "Allowing 40% of the population to block some of these policies just doesn't seem right" (Utahns Protecting Our Constitution); "If you want to raise your neighbors' taxes, you should have broad support from your neighbors" (Sen. Fillmore and Rep. Kyle). Both in Axios, Oct. 7, 2026.

No route to that exists on this ballot. A constitutional rule would have to start in the Legislature with two-thirds of each house (Art. XXIII, Sec. 1); citizens can't put amendments on the ballot. A 100% rule would let a single "no" stop any increase. For balance: the Legislature cut the income tax each year from 2022 to 2026 and passed at least 9 tax increases or new taxing powers since 2015 (see cuts vs. increases).

No official running total exists. From bills verified on le.utah.gov for this page, 7 raised a tax rate or created a new tax: H.B. 362 (2015, fuel tax plus inflation indexing; House 44–29, Senate 20–8), S.B. 2001 (2019, food tax; repealed Jan. 2020 after a referendum), S.B. 169 (2024, MIDA 15% accommodations tax; Senate 20–4, House 65–2), S.B. 272 (2024, up to 0.5% Salt Lake City sales tax), S.B. 333 (2025, sporting-venue tax tool), S.B. 242 (2026, path to Weber County's 0.20% sales tax) and H.B. 575 (2026, alternative-fuel tax raised while the gas tax was set lower).

2 created new taxing powers: H.B. 562 (2024, UFAIR: energy up to 6%, telecom 3.5%, lodging up to 15%, up to 35 years) and S.B. 233 (2021, MIDA's PIDs may levy property tax).

Most other tools on this page (TIF zones, CRAs, PIDs) redirect existing tax money or let a local body decide, so they are not counted here. The same Legislature also cut the income tax each year from 2022 through 2026. See Tax tools they created and cuts vs. increases.

Ballotpedia counts 28 citizen initiatives on Utah's statewide ballot from 1895 to 2024; from 1952 to 2022, 7 of 23 passed. No citizen initiative has qualified since 2018.

The most recent tax increase voters passed by initiative is Prop 3 (2018), Medicaid expansion with a 0.15% sales tax, at about 53%. That is under 60%, so it would have failed under Amendment B. The Legislature changed it with S.B. 96 (signed Feb. 11, 2019).

Often mixed up with it: Our Schools Now (2018) stopped gathering signatures after a deal with the Legislature (H.B. 293 and H.J.R. 20), so it never reached the ballot. Question 1 (2018, 10¢ gas tax) was a non-binding question the Legislature placed on the ballot; voters rejected it 65.45% to 34.55%. Initiative A (1988) would have capped property taxes and was defeated with 61.3% voting no. (Ballotpedia)

This covers recent history; every initiative back to 1895 has not been checked.

Every constitutional amendment, B included, takes effect "if a majority of the electors voting thereon shall approve the same" (Utah Const. Art. XXIII, Sec. 1). The 60% rule applies only to statewide citizen initiatives that include a tax increase, not to amendments.

Repeal is different: citizens in Utah cannot put a constitutional amendment on the ballot. A repeal of B would first need "two-thirds of all the members elected to each of the two houses" of the Legislature, then a simple majority of voters (Art. XXIII, Sec. 1).

Business taxes: right that the rule doesn't depend on who pays. Under S.J.R. 2, any initiative that includes a new tax, a tax on more items, a higher rate, or a property-tax rate that falls less than current law would needs 60%, business tax or not. Effects on consumers and jobs are an economic argument, not something the records here settle.

Legislators: right, it's not on the ballot. A bill passes with "the majority of all the members elected to each house" (Utah Const. Art. VI, Sec. 22): 38 of 75 in the House, 15 of 29 in the Senate, tax increases included. Examples: H.B. 362 (2015) 44–29 / 20–8; S.B. 2001 (2019) 43–27 / 20–7; H.B. 562 (2024) 51–21 / 25–4. For comparison only, 60% of the 75 House members would be 45 votes.

Right: the Legislature raises taxes by a majority of each house, with or without B. An initiative that only removes a tax is not one of S.J.R. 2's four items, so it would still need a simple majority.

One correction: overriding a veto takes two-thirds of each house, not 60% (Utah Const. Art. VII, Sec. 8).

What's missing: the 2019 food tax increase (S.B. 2001) was stopped by a referendum, not an initiative, and B doesn't change referendums. The Legislature repealed the law itself in January 2020 after the referendum qualified. An initiative that removes a tax can also be changed later by the Legislature, since only government-reform initiatives got the 2024 court's protection. And if a tax-cut initiative replaced the lost money with another tax, it would need 60%. See Words that sound alike.

Tax increase: right that "tax change" was too broad. Plain tax cuts still need a simple majority. The ballot question says "increase taxes," and S.J.R. 2 covers a new tax, a tax on more items, a higher rate, or a property-tax rate that falls less than current law would. The graphic now says "tax increase, as S.J.R. 2 defines it."

Amending initiatives: partly right. The Utah Supreme Court (July 11, 2024) held the Legislature "can" amend a government-reform initiative with changes that "facilitate or support the reform, or at least do not impair" it, and that changes that do impair it survive only if "narrowly tailored to advance a compelling government interest." So the Legislature can still amend reform initiatives in limited ways, and the ruling does not limit amending other initiatives, such as a tax initiative. The NO column now names that limit.

Prop 2 was replaced by H.B. 3001 (Dec. 3, 2018), Prop 3 changed by S.B. 96 (Feb. 11, 2019), and Prop 4 replaced by S.B. 200 (2020). (NORML; Ballotpedia; KJZZ)

Prop 3 included a 0.15% sales tax and passed with 53% (Ballotpedia; Salt Lake Tribune, Nov. 7, 2018). Because it included a tax, it would have needed 60% under S.J.R. 2.

Unanimous ruling, July 11, 2024. Justice Paige Petersen: "When Utahns exercise their right to reform the government through a citizen initiative, their exercise of these rights is protected from government infringement." (KJZZ)

Voided for failure to publish newspaper notice, and the court also found the ballot language misleading (FOX 13, Oct. 24, 2024). That newspaper rule is what Amendment A would change.

No primary record reviewed for this page. Not used as a finding.

Supported: S.J.R. 2 uses "includes," so one tax element puts the whole initiative at 60%.

Not supported: "all recent initiatives." Prop 4 (2018, redistricting) had no tax. Non-tax initiatives keep the simple majority.

Every statewide initiative gets an official cost estimate (vote.utah.gov). If citizens include a tax to pay for their own initiative, it needs 60% (S.J.R. 2). If they leave the funding out, the Legislature decides whether to fund it. Prop 3 funded itself with a sales tax.

They are separate votes. The link: B does not change MIDA, UIPA or PID decisions, which had no public vote, but a citizen initiative making data centers pay the standard 6% energy tax instead of 0.5% (MIDA–Box Elder interlocal, §6(a)) would need 60%.

B adds a higher margin only for citizen initiatives. Increases by the Legislature (H.B. 362, 2015 fuel tax; S.B. 2001, 2019 food tax), counties (Weber County 7.25%, 2024), districts and PID boards keep their current rules.

A NO vote keeps the current rule; it does not raise any tax. In 2019–20 it was citizens' referendum signatures (152,000) that led to repeal of a legislative food-tax increase (Ballotpedia).

Initiatives don't go through committees, but they do go through a legal review, an official cost estimate, 7 public hearings and ~140,000 verified signatures, and the Legislature can amend them afterward, within the limits the Utah Supreme Court set in 2024 for government-reform initiatives (vote.utah.gov; S.B. 96; League of Women Voters v. Utah Legislature).

Both statements match the record (Utah Const. Art. VI; Ballotpedia on Prop 3).

Accepted. Earlier Hive graphics that described Part D as covering "a tax cut" are being corrected. The undefined phrase "current law" remains an open question.

The supermajority for wildlife initiatives exists, but it is two-thirds, not 60% (Utah Const. Art. VI).

Reported figure: 35 entities, $49.87M denied in 2025 under S.B. 29 / S.B. 202 rules. Those were process denials, not public votes.

B makes it harder only for citizens using a statewide initiative (S.J.R. 2). The Legislature (H.B. 362, 2015 fuel tax; S.B. 2001, 2019 food tax), Weber County (7.25%, 2024) and Weber Fire District (23.58% levy) raise taxes without a public vote, and B changes none of that.

The Stratos and Tooele data center terms come from MIDA and UIPA, state authorities created by state law with state-appointed boards (Utah Code Title 63H; MIDA–Box Elder interlocal §6(a); UIPA project area plan). Changing that law takes the Legislature or a statewide initiative.

Unverified in the same comment: "data centers are a 70/30 issue." No poll was found to support or contradict it.

A plain tax cut still needs a simple majority. A cut paired with a new tax (swap), a loophole closing, a "same rate for everyone" measure, or a property-tax rate held steady needs 60%, because the initiative "includes" one of S.J.R. 2's items A–D. Try it in Test an initiative.

The Legislature passes tax laws by a majority of each house, and S.J.R. 2 does not change that. Under a 60% rule, a 59% yes vote fails. Utah Const. Art. VI, Sec. 1 places legislative power in the Legislature and in the people through initiatives and referenda.

Prop 2 (medical cannabis) and Prop 3 (Medicaid) each passed with 53% in 2018 (NORML; Ballotpedia). Prop 3 included a 0.15% sales tax, so it would have needed 60% under B.

Not settled for Prop 2: KSL and Axios report medical cannabis would also have failed under 60%. Prop 2's own fiscal estimate shows it created fees (about $1.4M a year) and a sales-tax exemption, not a new tax (vote.utah.gov, Medical Cannabis Act files). Whether fees count as a "tax" under S.J.R. 2 is not stated in its text.

All 76 yes votes were Republicans. Six Republicans voted no (2 in the Senate, 4 in the House), along with 19 Democrats (Ballotpedia, March 10, 2025). "Party lines" fits; "a lot" of Republican no votes means 6 of the 82 Republicans who voted.

Supported: at the ballot, voters cannot amend an initiative, and there is no committee or veto step. Also on the record: before the ballot, initiatives go through a legal review, an official cost estimate and 7 public hearings, and after they pass the Legislature can amend them (S.B. 96 changed Prop 3 within three months).

The July 11, 2024 Utah Supreme Court ruling protected reform initiatives from unlimited repeal (KJZZ). The exact phrase "coequal in power" and the case it comes from were not confirmed for this page.