Utah Hive Politicsfrom the publisher of The Weber County HiveAll three candidates have filed their September 30th reports. Rep. Jason Kyle (R) raised most of his 2026 money from PACs, parties and businesses. Kim James (D) and Libby Shelton (Utah Forward Party) raised most of theirs from individuals. Grades, the full money picture and Kyle's bill record are below.
Updated Oct. 2, 2026, with legislative-record grades added. Earlier update Sept. 30, 2026, with all three candidates' September 30th filings (period ending Sept. 25) and their disclosure forms.
Computed from the full itemized ledger across six reporting cycles (2018, 2022, 2023, 2024, 2025, 2026 through 6/11/26), excluding trivial credit-union interest credits: $79,736.39 raised total. Of that, $55,265.43 (69%) is PAC, corporate, or trade-association money across 95 separate line items; $17,055.86 (21%) is Kyle's own self-funding; only $7,415.10 (9%) came from other individuals.
| Donor | Lifetime total |
|---|---|
| Utah Association of Realtors | $9,065.43 |
| Utah House Republican Election Committee PAC | $7,500.00 |
| Northern Utah Legislative PAC (NUPAC) | $5,000.00 |
| Wilson Leadership PAC (Speaker Brad Wilson's PAC) | $4,000.00 |
| Reagan Outdoor Advertising | $2,600.00 |
| Conservative Millennials | $2,500.00 |
| Utah Bankers Association | $2,350.00 |
| Elect Mike Schultz LLC | $1,500.00 |
| Utah Credit Union PAC | $1,500.00 |
| Durbano Metals | $1,400.00 |
Each candidate's own filings on disclosures.utah.gov. The September 30th period ran June 12 (June 15 for James) through Sept. 25, 2026. Cash contributions only; in-kind gifts are listed separately.
| Kyle (R) | James (D) | Shelton (UFP) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Raised, Sept. 30 period | $9,120.20 | $11,284.37 | $0 |
| Spent, Sept. 30 period | $2,944.16 | $19,139.59 | $32.40 |
| Cash on hand, Sept. 25 | $35,852.22 | Not in the data file | About $408 (our math) |
| Raised, all of 2026 | $13,379.33 | $32,143.03 | $768.06 |
| From individuals | 23% | 67% | 100% |
| From PACs, parties & businesses | 77% | 33% | 0% |
Kyle's figures come from his September 30th Report's balance summary. James's and Shelton's come from the state's data export of their filings, which lists every entry but has no balance summary, so their 2026 totals are added up from the entries and Shelton's cash on hand is our own math from her earlier balance.
The largest gifts this period came from the Weber County Republican Party ($3,000), Google Client Services ($1,000), the Utah House Republican Election Committee ($1,000), U-Car PAC ($751) and Utah Medical PAC ($350). Five businesses and professional groups gave on Sept. 22: Cigna, NAIFA Utah IFAPAC, Paul Rogers & Associates and WCF Mutual ($250 each) and Parsons Behle & Latimer ($200). Individuals gave $1,569: Rep. Casey Snider of Paradise ($1,000), Adam Gardiner of West Jordan ($294.20), Cortlund Ashton of Ogden Valley ($250) and Sylvia Salisbury of Ogden ($25). CMV PAC also gave $537.82 in voter data, an in-kind gift. Earlier versions of this page said none of his 2026 donors were from Weber County; that was true through the primary, but this report includes the county Republican Party and two Weber County residents.
He spent $2,944 this period, mostly on signs (Renaissance Signs, $1,219) and printing (Salt Lake Mailing & Printing, $702), plus Facebook ads, supplies and travel.
About $9,131 came from roughly 60 individuals, many from Ogden, North Ogden, Eden and Huntsville. Repeat donors include Alan Livingston ($500 three times this period) and Jeanette Rodgers (several gifts of $100 to $200). Rosemary Lesser, the Democratic candidate in House District 10, gave $1,000. Groups gave $2,150: the Weber County Democratic Party ($2,000 on Sept. 25) and the Women's Democratic Club ($150).
She spent $19,140, and $15,930 of it (83%) went to Postcardmania for four rounds of mailers between Aug. 7 and Sept. 25. JM Alexander Corp received $1,625 for advertising, and Ogden Valley Adaptive Sports received $500 on June 30, listed as "Campaign Expense."
Shelton reported no cash contributions this period and $32.40 in spending on web hosting and bank fees. She reported two in-kind gifts: $53.99 in door hangers from MoveForwardWithUs and a $100 Tomato Days booth she paid for herself, marked as a loan that two supporters will repay. All $768 of her 2026 cash came from individuals, about half from Shelton herself. Her largest support all year was in-kind: a $2,365 voter-data package from the Forward Party of Utah in June.
Kyle's ledger shows blank [DELETED] contribution rows in 2018, 2022, 2023, 2024 and 2025, seven entries across five years. James's and Shelton's 2026 data files also contain blank [DELETED] rows. The state's system leaves one whenever an entry is removed or replaced by an amendment, and the data file usually doesn't say which. We don't treat them as findings unless the public report page shows what was removed.
Every cash contribution each candidate reported in 2026. Circle size scales to total dollars raised. Individuals PACs, parties & businesses
Kyle's group money came from 15 different PACs, parties, associations and businesses; the largest were the Weber County Republican Party ($3,000) and the Utah Association of Realtors ($1,500). James's came from four: UINPAC ($7,500, convention period), the Weber County Democratic Party ($2,000), Teamsters Local 222 ($750) and the Women's Democratic Club ($300). Bank interest (about $9 for Kyle, $6 for James) is left out. In-kind gifts, like Shelton's voter data and Kyle's from CMV PAC, aren't counted.
IN PLAIN WORDSEvery dollar each campaign reported, sorted into piles: people, caucus and leadership PACs, other organizations, party help and the candidate's own money. Bars are drawn to the same scale, so a short bar means less money. These are facts from the filings; they are shown here, not graded.
Periods differ where the filings in hand differ; each candidate's period is listed with their bar. "Own money" includes loans and money moved from the candidate's own earlier campaign account, as labeled. Disclosure-form lines come from each candidate's own form as described on this page. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
Every item is graded on the same five questions used across this project: Power, Transparency, Financial accountability, Environmental impact and Community impact. A C means the record meets what Utah law requires, the status quo. A B or A means the candidate went beyond it, and the record shows it. D means something is vague or bundled, or a public check is weakened; F means something required is missing, or a check is removed with nothing in its place. On reports, one required item missing is graded D, since it can be a mistake; several missing from the same report is graded F. On disclosure forms, an item voters can't see anywhere else (a company, a board seat, a job) left off is graded D; two left off, D−; three or more, F, a pattern. Legislative pay, which is public, left off with nothing else missing is graded D+. Anything named somewhere on the form counts as listed, and a form not on file is graded F. (Disclosure-form ladder added Oct. 3, 2026.) How a grade can change: candidates can file an amended report or an updated disclosure form at any time. When the missing or unclear item is fixed on the public record, we update the grade and note the date. Feedback appreciated: candidates and readers can send corrections or records we missed to webercountyhive@gmail.com, and we check every one against the public record.
Overall is the average of the graded questions (A = 4, B = 3, C = 2, D = 1, F = 0; N/A and dashes are left out). A plus or minus shows where the average falls between letters, and an average exactly halfway counts toward the higher letter with a minus. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kyle | D | C | C | N/A | C | C− |
| Why: About 77% of his 2026 money came from 15 different PACs, parties, associations and businesses, and 23% from individuals. No single group or treasurer accounts for most of it. Every contributor and payee is named, most spending lines name the vendor and what kind of purchase it was, and the September 30th Report was filed after the period closed. That meets the law. The money, by category (2026 through Sept. 25): individuals $3,069 (23.0%); caucus and leadership PACs $1,000 (7.5%); other organizations $6,301 (47.1%); party help $3,000 (22.4%). Own money: none reported for 2026 (his career self-funding is $17,055.86). Own money is stated here, not graded. Power D: 29.6% of the counted money came from individual people (party and caucus gifts from earlier in 2026 are not broken out on this page). Regraded Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; earlier: C. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. What would have scored higher for the collective: a broader base of donors who live in the district. | ||||||
| James | B | C | C | N/A | C | C+ |
| Why: About 67% of her 2026 money came from individuals, many in gifts of $200 or less from Ogden-area addresses; the rest came from four groups, led by UINPAC's $7,500. Every contributor and payee is named. That meets the law. The money, by category (2026 through Sept. 25): individuals $21,587 (67.2%); caucus and leadership PACs $0 (0.0%); other organizations $8,250 (25.7%); party help $2,300 (7.2%). Own money: her own gifts, filed as "Kimal James," are counted with individuals because this page does not break out the amount. Own money is stated here, not graded. Power B: 72.3% of the counted money came from individual people (her own gifts are inside that figure). Regraded Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; earlier: C, then B under the grassroots rule earlier today. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. | ||||||
| Shelton | N/A | C | C | N/A | C | C |
| Why: All $768 in 2026 cash came from individuals, about half from Shelton herself, and every entry is named. Her largest support was in-kind voter data from her party, which is reported as required. That meets the law. The money, by category (2026 through Sept. 25, cash and in-kind): individuals $491.57 (14.5%); caucus and leadership PACs $0 (0.0%); other organizations $53.99 (1.6%); party help $2,365 (69.6%). Own money: $486.96 (14.3% of everything raised) ($386.96 cash and a $100 booth marked as a loan). Own money is stated here, not graded. Power N/A: less than $1,000 of counted money, too little to weigh. Regraded Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; earlier: C. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. | ||||||
Going beyond the law would look like: saying what each "Campaign Expense" payment bought, and raising most of the money from people who live in the district. (On the state's public report, most spending lines show only the category "Campaign Expense." Candidates can type a description when they file, but the public report may not display it, so a missing description there doesn't mean the candidate left it out.)
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kyle | N/A | D+ | C | N/A | N/A | D+ |
| Why: His form lists his employer and job (EHS manager at Biomerics) and no business entities, outside income of $5,000 or more, stock holdings or board seats. He also lists his wife's current and previous employers, which the form asks for only when a candidate believes the job may be a conflict. That goes beyond what the form requires. His legislative pay as a sitting representative in 2025, the year the form covers, is not listed anywhere on the form. Legislative pay is public, so with nothing else missing it is graded D+; the extra items he listed don't lift a missing one. Earlier: B. Regraded Oct. 3, 2026. How the grade can change: an updated form that lists the Legislature. | ||||||
| James | N/A | C | C | N/A | N/A | C |
| Why: Her form lists her current job (part-time chaplain at Ogden Regional Medical Center, through Episcopal Community Services), her previous one (pastor, First United Methodist Church) and her seat as chair of the Mountain Sky Conference's Board of Pension & Health, a board seat the form requires. No business entities, outside income or stock holdings are listed. That meets the law. Her income line is left blank while her job is named on the form; because the job is named, that is noted here, not graded. | ||||||
| Shelton | N/A | B | C | N/A | N/A | B |
| Why: Her employers and spouse's name are withheld under the state provision that allows it (Utah Code 20A-11-1604(7)(a)), which is legal. She lists her unpaid office in the Weber County Utah Forward Party (secretary, now vice chair), a role the form's board-and-paid-leadership question does not clearly require. That goes beyond what the form asks. | ||||||
Going beyond the law would look like: listing more than the form asks, such as a spouse's business or unpaid roles, as Kay McRae did in Senate District 20.
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kyle | D | D | C | — | D | D |
| Why: He voted for S.B. 134 and H.B. 392, both enacted, which give the governor more control over court appointments and let state officials, but not private parties, move constitutional cases to a three-judge panel. His own judicial bills (HJR 5, HB 424, HB 262) pushed the same way and failed. HB 543's substitute passed the committee he vice-chairs with no recorded testimony, and his warrant bill, HB 261, which does add a real check on searches, gained a data-broker exception by floor amendment after its only hearing. HB 300's school-funding phase-out is written out plainly. HB 530's permitting office has no documented environmental effect yet. What would have scored higher for the collective: passing HB 261 as the version the public heard, holding a hearing on HB 543's substitute, and taking HB 297's oversight of college-athletics deals to a hearing. | ||||||
Graded only from the bills and votes this page and the Hive's research documents. “—” means not enough of the record is documented yet to grade that question fairly. The challenger has not held this office, so there is no record to grade. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
Every 2026 bill tied to Kyle's name, sortable by category or status. Click a bill to read the full record.
Of 3 tax bills tied to his name, the one he authored isn't tax relief, and the two matching his campaign language belong to other legislators. Of the judicial bills, only the two he voted yes on as a rider actually passed — everything he personally chief-sponsored on judicial selection failed.
Retired United Methodist pastor (Ogden First UMC, 2013–2025), 40 years in ministry across Colorado and Utah, lives on Ogden's East Bench; now a part-time chaplain at Ogden Regional Medical Center. Her campaign is funded mostly by individuals, including her own gifts (she files as Kimal James) and gifts from "Oscar James" at the same address and a small out-of-state donor base consistent with a long ministry career. Her group money in 2026: UINPAC (Utah Investment Network PAC) $7,500 in the convention period, the Weber County Democratic Party $2,000, Teamsters Local 222 $750 and the Women's Democratic Club $300. Raised $32,143 in 2026 through Sept. 25, per the state's data export of her filings.
Full name per her own site: Libby Hernandez Shelton (CFIS/COI filings use Elizabeth Anne Shelton). Weber County resident 20+ years; works as a therapist specializing in substance use and domestic violence treatment (MSW, Utah State University; BA Anthropology, Weber State University). Politically active for 15 years as a state/county caucus delegate, including a decade as her local caucus's vice chair before switching to the Forward Party in 2025. Currently Weber County Vice-Chair of the Forward Party of Utah — a local party officer, not just a candidate. Platform centers on election reform (fair maps, open primaries, expanded voting access), ethics and campaign-finance oversight of lawmakers, and a balanced-market economic approach; as a Forward Party candidate she says she isn't bound to any single party platform.
Campaign finance is almost entirely self- and small-dollar-funded. Her 2026 Convention Report (1/1–3/30/26) was 100% self-funded — $386.96 total, all three contributions from Shelton herself, covering the filing fee and campaign setup costs. Her Primary Report (3/31–6/11/26) added $381.10 in real money from five individual donors ($41.50–$103 each), plus two in-kind gifts that don't count toward her cash total: $110.47 in T-shirts from a supporter, and a $2,365.00 voter-data package from the Forward Party of Utah — by far her largest contribution of any kind, but data/services from the state party rather than cash. YTD cash total: $768.06 (unchanged through Sept. 25; see the September 30th section above).
Utah Hive Politicsfrom the publisher of The Weber County HiveIndependent · Accountability · Journalism