Utah Hive Politicsfrom the publisher of The Weber County HiveRep. Blake Moore (R) has represented northern Utah since 2021 and serves in House Republican leadership. Democrat Peter Crosby of Cache Valley is a first-time candidate. This page follows both campaigns' money, checks Moore's list of accomplishments against the laws themselves, reads his financial disclosure, and grades what the record shows.
Updated Oct. 2, 2026. Federal reports run through June 30, 2026; the next reports (through Sept. 30) are due Oct. 15.
IN PLAIN WORDSThe incumbent has about 42 times more money than his challenger, and most of it comes from political committees, not people. Most of his accomplishments check out, but one is listed under the wrong year, and several were other members' bills that he cosponsored.
IN PLAIN WORDSUtah's congressional map was redrawn under court order, so this district is new. Moore used to represent the 1st District. Weber County is split between the 2nd and 3rd districts, so check your sample ballot.
Who Moore is. Born in Ogden in 1980. University of Utah (behavioral science and health) and Northwestern (public policy). He worked in the U.S. Foreign Service and was a principal at Cicero Group, a Salt Lake consulting firm. Before running, he co-chaired Better Boundaries, the group behind Utah's 2018 independent redistricting initiative (Proposition 4). Elected in 2020. He sits on Ways and Means and was elected House Republican Conference Vice Chair on Nov. 8, 2023, and again Nov. 13, 2024 (Roll Call; Deseret News).
How he got here this year. Rep. Karianne Lisonbee won the Republican convention, 61.5% to 33.7% (Ballotpedia). Moore won the June 23 primary, 58.3% to 41.7% (Deseret News, AP count).
Who Crosby is. Lives in Cache Valley, where he has lived 19 years, with his wife and three daughters. Bachelor's and master's in political science from Utah State; an adjunct at USU's Center for Anticipatory Intelligence; earlier, operations and analytics work in a large company (his campaign site; UPR). He sent the Hive a statement, printed whole: In His Own Words.
Also on the ballot: Daniel Cottam (Libertarian), Carlton E. Bowen (Independent American) and Robert M. Moesinger (unaffiliated). Moesinger reports $8,805.75 raised and $5,401.76 in cash. Cottam's and Bowen's FEC pages show no money reports for 2025–26.
Dates. The Utah Debate Commission's 2nd District debate is Tuesday, Oct. 13, the day ballots mail (per Crosby's campaign releases; check utahdebatecommission.org).
IN PLAIN WORDSTap any card to see what the word means.
IN PLAIN WORDSMost of Moore's money comes from company, trade-group and member PACs. He also has a second committee of his own that gives to the national party.
From his July Quarterly report, FEC-1995405 (filed July 15, 2026, covering June 4 to June 30), Column B, "election cycle to date." Shauna read the report's summary page directly on fec.gov. FEC's website shows totals about $29,000 lower ($2,536,636.22 raised) for Jan. 1, 2025 to June 30, 2026; the report's own cycle column appears to begin after the November 2024 election.
Total receipts, cycle to date: $2,565,317.31
From fec.gov's two-year totals, the same source for each candidate
From the PAC pages (line 11C) of his first-quarter, pre-primary (amended) and July reports. The 2025 pages were not all readable, so this is a sample of the cycle, not a top-20 list.
Also on line 11C: AIPAC, with an aggregate of $38,058.99 printed on its May 21 entry. How that aggregate is made up was not confirmed. A full list of $10,000 givers is in the sources.
Expect More Leadership PAC (C00757922) lists Moore as its sponsor and has the same treasurer. Through Aug. 31, 2026: $320,821.22 in ($191,000 from PACs, $76,750 from individuals), $299,716.18 out, including $166,500 to other committees. The gifts read went to the national party and to Dan Crenshaw for Congress ($1,000); no Utah recipients were found in the months read.
Team Moore Joint Fundraising Committee (C00757930): $182,585.53 raised, $162,613.47 passed on to the committees it raises for. 218 Committee (C00930149), a joint fundraising committee registered Dec. 10, 2025: $290,000 raised, all from individuals; its other members were not confirmed.
IN PLAIN WORDSThe biggest checks went to an Ohio ad buyer, fundraising consultants, a canvassing firm in Ogden and Election Hive. Two of those names show up in the Hive's state and county files.
Sums of the itemized payments read (rows of $1,000 or more). Not every report page was readable.
flowchart LR IND["People
$1,011,572"] --> BM(["BLAKE MOORE
FOR CONGRESS"]) PAC["PACs and
committees
$1,426,000"] --> BM JFC["Joint fundraising
transfers
$125,745"] --> BM BM -->|"$499,746"| SMP["Strategic Media
Placement (ads)"] BM -->|"$259,777"| KB["KB Strategic Group
(fundraising)"] BM -->|"$164,090"| GI["Gathering Inc.
Ogden"] BM -->|"$161,000"| NRCC["National Republican
Congressional Committee"] BM -->|"$150,318"| EH["Election Hive
Salt Lake City"] BM -->|"$86,282"| IE["Irish Elk LLC
Layton"] LP["Expect More
Leadership PAC"] -->|"$99,000"| NRCC
Dollar amounts from his FEC reports; payee sums cover the pages read. The leadership PAC gift is net of a $6,000 void.
| Date | Purpose on the report | Amount |
|---|---|---|
| 2/5/2025 | General Campaign Consulting | $5,976.65 |
| 7/11/2025 | General Campaign Consulting (3 payments) | $4,641.02 |
| 9/3/2025 | General Campaign Consulting | $6,162.30 |
| 10/21/2025 | Strategic campaign consulting | $15,000.00 |
| 11/14/2025 | Strategic campaign consulting | $8,000.00 |
| 11/20/2025, 12/11/2025, 2/20/2026 | Strategic campaign consulting ($7,988.03 each) | $23,964.09 |
| 4/22/2026 | Strategic Campaign Consulting | $16,796.22 |
| 5/6/2026 | Strategic Campaign Consulting (3 payments: $25,963.80, $23,814.03, $20,000) | $69,777.83 |
| Total, 14 payments | $150,318.11 | |
The reports name only "Election Hive." Utah business records list Matthew Lusty as its manager and registered agent. Election Hive's own website names Moore among its clients. No Election Hive payment appears on the June 4–30 report.
Celeste for Congress $6,000; Mike Kennedy for Utah $6,000; Elect John Adams for County Commission $5,000 (Jan. 15, 2026); Committee to Elect Bob Stevenson $2,500 (May 1, 2026); Elect Kara Toone $1,000 (June 2, 2026); Davis County GOP $3,000; Weber County GOP $2,125; Major Brent Taylor Foundation $1,500; Wolf Creek Foundation (Eden) $1,250.
IN PLAIN WORDSCrosby's campaign runs on donations from individuals, more than a third of it in gifts too small to list by name.
Aug. 1, 2025 to June 30, 2026 (fec.gov)
Raised $60,224.97: $37,119.00 itemized from individuals, $22,930.49 in small unitemized gifts, $175.48 his own. Spent $31,698.28. Cash on June 30: $23,283.12. No debts, no loans, no PAC money.
In his last period (June 4–30) he reported 22 itemized gifts totaling $13,890, nearly all from Utah. The largest: Robert Steiner of Alsco Inc. $5,000 (total $7,000), Jeremy A. Thompson $3,500 and Clive Walker $2,000 (total $3,250).
His July report's own cycle column shows $50,891.49 raised and $27,608.37 spent, lower than fec.gov's figures. The Hive has not resolved the difference.
IN PLAIN WORDSGroups that aren't the campaigns spent more than $600,000 on ads in June. One attacked Moore; the other backed him and attacked his opponent.
Defending Conservative Values PAC (C00950097, Hudson, Wis., registered May 9, 2026) reported $485,213.07 in independent expenditures from May 29 to June 20, all paid to Conservative Action Group of Casper, Wyo., for digital and web ads about Moore. The Deseret News described its ads as opposing Moore: they "depict Moore as a man in a suit with a rubber stamp for a head."
Defending Utah Values Federal Super PAC (C00950865, Cottonwood Heights, registered May 15, 2026) reported $130,735.51 in June, about $64,700 of it in the 2nd District race (rows naming Lisonbee $47,554.41; rows naming Moore $17,181.10) and $66,000 in the 3rd District. The Deseret News reported it was "run by Owen Fuller, a close ally of Utah Gov. Spencer Cox," spent "$29,500 against Lisonbee and is supporting Moore." Its vendor for the $66,000 in 3rd District ad buys was Election Hive (June 30, 2026).
Support/oppose labels come from the Deseret News (June 16, 2026). The FEC rows were read through a text reader that labeled every row "support," which conflicts with the news account, so the labels on the FEC pages have not been confirmed. No outside spending is reported yet for the general election.
IN PLAIN WORDSMembers of Congress file a yearly report of what they own, owe and earn. The values are ranges, not exact amounts.
| Holding | Owner | Value range | Income |
|---|---|---|---|
| Blake D. Moore Blind Trust | Moore | $1,000,001–$5,000,000 | — |
| Residential rental property, Washington, D.C. | Moore | $1,000,001–$5,000,000 | Rent $15,001–$50,000 |
| Hawkins Development (commercial development; Vasa Fitness locations in Nebraska and Colorado) | Moore | $100,001–$250,000 | $15,001–$50,000 |
| Wells Fargo savings; Zions Bank checking | Moore | $250,001–$500,000; $100,001–$250,000 | — |
| Blue Crimson LLC ("real estate property investment firm") | Moore | $15,001–$50,000 | — |
| H. Roger Boyer Family Partnership / R&S Boyer | Spouse | Over $1,000,000 | $100,001–$1,000,000 |
| H. Roger Boyer Family Partnership / Boyer Company ("commercial real estate development and management") | Spouse | Over $1,000,000 | Over $1,000,000 |
Also listed: an IRA holding two index funds, four Utah college-savings (my529) accounts, a U.S. Bank mortgage ($500,001–$1,000,000) and a car loan. Positions: unpaid board seats with Raise the Future and the Utah Sports Commission. Gifts, travel and agreements: "None disclosed."
The annual report is due May 15; the House allows extensions. Whether an extension was granted for this report was not checked, so its timeliness isn't graded.
Members must report most stock trades within 45 days. On July 29, 2021, the Campaign Legal Center filed a complaint with the Office of Congressional Ethics saying "Rep. Moore failed to properly disclose 70 separate stock and stock-option trades together worth at least $70,000 and as much as $1.1 million." The Salt Lake Tribune (July 26, 2021) reported that one report filed July 17, 2021 covered trades back to February, that his office tied the delay to a 401(k) transfer to Iron Gate Global Advisors, and that he "paid a late filing fee in full." No House Ethics finding was found. His later trade reports (August 2021 to February 2022) list trades in Bank of America, Berkshire Hathaway, Boeing, Disney, Apple, Wynn Resorts and options on Nvidia and Wynn. His 2025 report lists his holdings in a blind trust.
House candidates also file a financial disclosure. The Hive has not read Crosby's, so it isn't graded.
IN PLAIN WORDSMost of what Moore lists did become law. A few were other members' bills he helped with, one is under the wrong year, and the Great Salt Lake program was allowed but not given money.
| What his page lists | His role | What the record shows |
|---|---|---|
| "Trump Accounts" for children (Money Accounts for Growth and Advancement Act, H.R. 3407) | Sponsor | Became law in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, P.L. 119-21, July 4, 2025 (Sec. 70204). |
| Charitable deduction for people who don't itemize | Named in his release | Became law in P.L. 119-21 (Sec. 70424) at $1,000 ($2,000 joint) starting in 2026, larger than the $150/$300 House version he announced. |
| Tax exemption for troops in the Sinai and "Sahel" | Named in his release | P.L. 119-21, Sec. 70118. The law says the Sinai and "additional areas"; "Sahel" is his word. |
| Small-business expensing cap from $1M to $2.5M | Named in his release | P.L. 119-21, Sec. 70306. |
| Court Improvement Program Enhancement Act (H.R. 8460) | Sponsor | Carried in P.L. 118-258, Jan. 4, 2025 (Sec. 104). |
| Range Access Act (H.R. 1614) | Sponsor | Carried in the EXPLORE Act, P.L. 118-234, Jan. 4, 2025 (Sec. 123). |
| MAPLand Act (H.R. 3113), public-land access maps | Sponsor | P.L. 117-114, April 29, 2022. |
| Saline Lake Ecosystems in the Great Basin States Program Act | Sponsor of the House version (H.R. 5345) | The Senate bill, S. 1466, became P.L. 117-318 on Dec. 27, 2022. It authorizes "$5,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2022 through 2027." No appropriation for this program was found. |
| Better Cybercrime Metrics Act | Original cosponsor | S. 2629 became law May 5, 2022. |
| National Medal of Honor Monument Act | Cosponsor ("co-introduced," his release) | H.R. 1664 (sponsor Rep. Veasey), P.L. 117-80. |
| Chinese printed circuit boards, "FY2024 NDAA" | Sponsor (H.R. 6162) | Wrong year on his page. His Dec. 8, 2021 release, the U.S. Code notes and a July 2, 2026 Federal Register rule place it in the FY2022 defense bill, Sec. 851, P.L. 117-81. |
| Hill AFB items, FY2025 defense bill | Per his releases | His release lists $28 million to finish the F-35/T-7A East Campus and $50 million for a future T-7A maintenance complex (P.L. 118-159). Not checked against the law's text. |
| Afghanistan Accountability Act (H.R. 5066) | Sponsor | Never left committee. His release says the House defense bill required an after-action report; that the language reached the final law was not confirmed. |
| Bill | Date | Moore | Result |
|---|---|---|---|
| H.R. 1, One Big Beautiful Bill Act, House passage (roll call 145) | 5/22/2025 | Yes | Passed 215–214 |
| H.R. 1, final passage of the Senate version (roll call 190) | 7/3/2025 | Yes | Passed 218–214; P.L. 119-21 |
| H.R. 4, Rescissions Act (roll call 168) | 6/12/2025 | Yes | Passed 214–212; became law July 24, 2025 |
| H.R. 1968, full-year FY2025 stopgap (roll call 70) | 3/11/2025 | Yes | Passed 217–213 |
| H.R. 5371, FY2026 stopgap, final (roll call 285) | 11/12/2025 | Yes | Passed 222–209; ended the shutdown |
| H.R. 4405, Epstein Files Transparency Act (roll call 289) | 11/18/2025 | Yes | Passed 427–1 |
| H.R. 7148, FY2026 spending package (roll call 53) | 2/3/2026 | Yes | Passed 217–214; P.L. 119-75 |
Roll calls read on clerk.house.gov. These large bills have many parts and are not graded on this page. A proposal to sell federal land in Washington and Beaver counties was added to H.R. 1 in committee and removed before the May 22 House vote; no public statement by Moore on it was found.
Besides the saline-lakes law, he backed $1 billion for the lake in the president's 2027 budget request at an April 2026 House Budget hearing, and the House's 2027 transportation and housing bill includes $4.5 million he requested for a Stansbury Bay project (Deseret News, June 19, 2026). That bill is not law. The $200 million he cited when signing the GSL2034 Charter in September 2025 is private pledges (Great Salt Lake Rising and Ducks Unlimited), not federal money.
IN PLAIN WORDSMoore posts every local project request on his website. For 2026, Congress funded about one dollar for every nine he asked for in these six requests, mostly because the Hill Air Force Base request was cut from $59 million to $2.6 million. In 2025, Congress funded no earmarks at all.
From his FY2026 Community Project Funding page. Hill AFB ($59 million requested, $2.6 million enacted) is left off the chart so the smaller projects are readable.
2023 (the Weber items on his accomplishments page): Weber State physician assistant program $1.5 million; Weber Housing Authority $1.5 million; Ogden River trail $2 million (of $4 million asked); Mantua Main Street $1,354,000; Hooper $624,000; Ogden-Hinckley Airport $0.
2025: his Weber-area requests (Ogden police simulator, Pleasant View stormwater, Roy water line, Weber County storm drain) got nothing, because Congress passed a full-year stopgap instead of spending bills (National League of Cities).
2027, pending: Ogden accessibility $5 million; Hooper wastewater $6 million; Weber Basin generator $1,914,813.58; Great Salt Lake Commissioner $6 million.
IN PLAIN WORDSWhat each candidate has said. These are their words, not checked facts.
How this was read: quotes were read through a text reader on the pages named and should be checked against the live pages before they are quoted elsewhere. Crosby's statement to the Hive was received directly. Crosby says his own polls show him ahead; those are campaign polls.
IN PLAIN WORDSSeveral of the businesses paid in this race also show up in state and county races the Hive has covered. A connection is not an accusation.
flowchart TB BM(["BLAKE MOORE
FOR CONGRESS"]) -->|"$150,318"| EH["Election Hive
mgr: Matthew Lusty"] KG["Katrina Gibson
Weber Commission A"] -->|"$819"| EH KG -->|"$11,576"| HC["Honey Communications
member: Matthew Lusty"] DUV["Defending Utah Values
super PAC"] -->|"$66,000 UT-3 ads"| EH DUV -. "backed Moore in
the primary" .-> BM BM -->|"$164,090"| GI["Gathering Inc.
Ogden"] KG -->|"$4,076"| GI BM -->|"$86,282"| IE["Irish Elk LLC
Layton"] KOF["Jill Koford
SD-5"] -->|"$38,712"| IE
Amounts from the FEC reports and the Hive's county and SD-5 files. The dashed line is the Deseret News's description of the super PAC's spending.
Moore's campaign paid Election Hive $150,318.11. In Weber County, Katrina Gibson's commission campaign paid Election Hive $819.33 and Honey Communications $11,576 in about seven weeks. State records list Matthew Lusty as Election Hive's manager and as Honey Communications' sole member. A super PAC that backed Moore in June used Election Hive for its 3rd District ads. See the Weber voter guide.
Moore's campaign paid Gathering Inc. $164,090 for polling and canvassing; Gibson's paid it $4,076. Gathering Inc. also canvassed signatures for Gov. Cox's 2024 campaign (Utah News Dispatch, March 11, 2025).
Moore's campaign paid Irish Elk LLC $86,281.50. The Hive's SD-5 file shows Jill Koford's campaign paid Irish Elk $38,712 and identifies it as Kyle Palmer's firm. See SD-5.
Moore's campaign paid "Kyle Palmer" of Layton $5,744.58 on June 10, 2025, listed as "SEE MEMO ITEMS." Whether this is the same Kyle Palmer is not confirmed.
His 2025 disclosure lists his wife's interests in H. Roger Boyer Family Partnership holdings, including The Boyer Company, a commercial real estate developer, each worth more than $1 million.
IN PLAIN WORDSEvery dollar each campaign reported, sorted into piles: people, caucus and leadership PACs, other organizations, party help and the candidate's own money. Bars are drawn to the same scale, so a short bar means less money. These are facts from the filings; they are shown here, not graded.
Periods differ where the filings in hand differ; each candidate's period is listed with their bar. "Own money" includes loans and money moved from the candidate's own earlier campaign account, as labeled. Disclosure-form lines come from each candidate's own form as described on this page. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
IN PLAIN WORDSEach topic gets a grade, A (best) to F (worst), on five questions: Does it check power? Can the public see it? Is it clear who pays? What does it do to air, water and land? Do the people affected get a real say? N/A means the question doesn't fit. A dash means the record isn't documented enough to grade.
How to read these: grades judge only what is already in the record as of Oct. 2, 2026. They judge the record, not the person. A C means the record meets what the law requires, the status quo. A B or A means the candidate went beyond it, and the record shows it. Power on campaign money uses a fixed scale, the same for every candidate and party: A when 90% or more of the counted money comes from individual people, B at 67–89%, C at 34–66%, D at 10–33%, F under 10%. Party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted; own money is always stated. D means something is vague or bundled, or a public check is weakened; F means something required is missing, or a check is removed with nothing in its place. Candidates can amend a report at any time; when the record changes, the grade is updated and dated. Corrections are welcome at webercountyhive@gmail.com.
Overall is the average of the graded questions (A = 4, B = 3, C = 2, D = 1, F = 0; N/A and dashes are left out). A plus or minus shows where the average falls between letters, and an average exactly halfway counts toward the higher letter with a minus. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
| Topic | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Moore · campaign money | C | C | C | N/A | — | C |
| Crosby · campaign money | A | C | C | N/A | — | B− |
| Moore · 2025 financial disclosure | N/A | C | C | N/A | N/A | C |
| Moore · 2021 stock-trade reports | N/A | D | — | N/A | N/A | D |
| Moore · record items | Graded item by item below: saline-lakes law B accomplishments page D earmark disclosure B | |||||
| Crosby · financial disclosure | — not read yet | |||||
| Question | Grade and reason |
|---|---|
| Power | C58.5% of his contributions came from PACs and other committees, many from industries with business before Congress, and 41.5% from individuals. No single committee gave most of it, and giving limits apply. The same standard as Bishop's 57% from groups in HD-6, graded C. His campaign also paid Irish Elk LLC; unlike SD-5, the Hive has not found Palmer-run committees among his donors, so that is noted, not graded. The money, by category (cycle to date through June 30, 2026): individuals $1,011,572.23 (39.4%); caucus and leadership PACs not broken out on the filings in hand; other organizations $1,426,000 (55.6%); party help $0 (0.0%); joint-fundraising transfers and other receipts, not split by source $127,745.08 (5.0%). Own money: none. Own money is stated here, not graded. Power C: 41.5% of the counted money came from individual people (joint-fundraising transfers are left out because the reports read do not split them by donor type). Checked Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; unchanged. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. |
| Transparency | CDonors and payees are named on federal reports. WinRed is a pass-through platform, and its donors are itemized as the law requires. |
| Financial accountability | CVendors are named with purposes such as "Strategic Campaign Consulting." No debts. $161,000 went to the national party, which is common and legal. |
| Environmental impact | N/AA campaign report doesn't decide land or water use. |
| Community impact | —The share of his individual money from inside the district hasn't been counted yet. This will be graded when it is. |
| Question | Grade and reason |
|---|---|
| Power | AAll but $175.48 of his money is from individual donors, with no PAC, party or business money. The money, by category (Aug. 1, 2025 to June 30, 2026): individuals $60,049.49 (99.7%); caucus and leadership PACs $0 (0.0%); other organizations $0 (0.0%); party help $0 (0.0%). Own money: $175.48 (0.3% of everything raised). Own money is stated here, not graded. Power A: 100.0% of the counted money came from individual people. Regraded Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; earlier: C, then B under the grassroots rule earlier today. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. |
| Transparency | CItemized donors are named. About 38% is in unitemized small gifts, which the law allows. |
| Financial accountability | CNo debts or loans. His report's cycle column and fec.gov's totals differ; the Hive hasn't resolved why, so it isn't counted against him. |
| Environmental impact | N/AA campaign report doesn't decide land or water use. |
| Community impact | —The share from inside the district hasn't been counted yet. |
| Question | Grade and reason |
|---|---|
| Transparency (2025 report) | CAssets, spouse's holdings, liabilities and board seats are listed in the ranges the form uses. Whether it was filed on time depends on an extension not checked here. |
| Transparency (2021 trade reports) | DTrades from as early as February 2021 were reported July 17, 2021, past the 45-day window, and his office paid the late fee (Salt Lake Tribune). Late items are graded D under the Hive's timing rule. He has since moved his holdings into a blind trust. |
| Item | Grade and reason |
|---|---|
| Saline-lakes law (P.L. 117-318) | BEnvironment: sets up a federal program to monitor the Great Salt Lake and other saline lakes and the birds that depend on them, with a public work plan and report to Congress, and protects existing water rights and compacts. It authorizes money that hasn't been provided, so the benefit depends on future spending bills. |
| His accomplishments page | DTransparency: lists one provision under the wrong defense bill and presents three bills sponsored by others as "signed into law" without stating his role. Vague or inaccurate public claims are graded D. |
| Earmark disclosure | BTransparency: his website posts every year's requests and, for 2026, the amount enacted beside each one, so voters can see what was asked and what came. |
IN PLAIN WORDSThese offices keep the records on this page. They answer questions from anyone.
Utah Hive Politicsfrom the publisher of The Weber County HiveIndependent · Accountability · Journalism