Utah Hive Politicsfrom the publisher of The Weber County HiveBoth candidates filed their September 30th reports on time. Rep. Katy Hall (R) raised $20,951 this period, 54% from PACs, parties and businesses; Dave Calder (D) raised $5,361, 57% from individuals. Washington Terrace and Riverdale, Weber and Davis counties.
Updated Oct. 2, 2026, with legislative-record grades added. Earlier update Oct. 1, 2026, with both candidates' September 30th Reports (period June 12–Sept. 25), Hall's July 11 disclosure form, and money and disclosure grades.
Hall's campaign has raised roughly $77,800 across the 2022–2026 cycles, much of it from PACs, industry committees and other legislators' campaigns; in her latest report, 54% came from groups and 46% from individuals, many of them South Ogden neighbors. Calder's campaign has raised $10,767 in 2026, mostly from individuals, with $2,000 from the Weber County Democratic Party in September.
Hall's own financial disclosures show stock worth $5,000 or more in three companies whose PACs also fund her campaign, and a family financial footprint inside the same regional hospital system where she works as a nurse. Her July 2026 disclosure omits conflict-of-interest detail that appeared on her January 2026 filing.
Both candidates' own filings on disclosures.utah.gov, period June 12–Sept. 25, 2026.
| Calder (D) | Hall (R) | |
|---|---|---|
| Submitted | Sept. 29 (on time) | Sept. 24, one day before the period closed (on time) |
| Raised this period | $5,361.08 | $20,951.00 |
| Spent this period | $4,379.17 | $9,409.42 |
| Cash on hand, Sept. 25 | $3,772.09 | $36,692.16 |
| Raised, all of 2026 | $10,766.89 | $31,802.00 |
| From individuals, this period | 57% | 46% |
| From PACs, parties & businesses, this period | 43% | 54% |
Hall: Fifteen groups gave $11,350, led by the Weber County Republican Party ($2,000), the Utah Health Care Association ($1,500), and $1,000 each from the Utah Credit Union PAC, Google, the Utah House Republican Election Committee and Republican Women Lead; Utah Medical PAC gave $900. About 45 individuals gave $9,601, many from South Ogden and Ogden; the largest were Eddie Jordan ($1,001), Michael Grant, Frank and Tara Redd, and John Chevalier ($1,000 each). She spent $9,409, mostly on Vistaprint printing (about $6,611), plus $500 to Jim Alvey's campaign ("Donations") and $500 to Kyle Hall ("Campaign Expense"). Every payee is named.
Calder: About 35 individuals gave $3,061, mostly $5 to $500 from Washington Terrace, South Ogden and Ogden; his largest supporters were neighbors David and Vickie Hamilton and RuthAnn Stirling. Groups gave $2,300: the Weber County Democratic Party ($2,000), SMART TD PAC ($200) and the Women's Democratic Club ($100). He spent $4,379, mostly with Service Press ($2,971 in two payments) and many small WalmartPhoto print orders. Every payee is named.
Neither report shows "added on" dates for its entries, so whether each gift appeared within 31 days of receipt can't be checked from the records in hand. That is no finding either way for both candidates.
IN PLAIN WORDSEvery dollar each campaign reported, sorted into piles: people, caucus and leadership PACs, other organizations, party help and the candidate's own money. Bars are drawn to the same scale, so a short bar means less money. These are facts from the filings; they are shown here, not graded.
Periods differ where the filings in hand differ; each candidate's period is listed with their bar. "Own money" includes loans and money moved from the candidate's own earlier campaign account, as labeled. Disclosure-form lines come from each candidate's own form as described on this page. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
Every candidate on this site is graded on the same five questions: Power, Transparency, Financial accountability, Environmental impact and Community impact. A C means the record meets what Utah law requires, the status quo. A B or A means the candidate went beyond it, and the record shows it. D means something is vague, late or bundled, or a public check is weakened; F means something required is missing, or a check is removed with nothing in its place. On reports, one required item missing is graded D, since it can be a mistake; several missing from the same report is graded F. On disclosure forms, an item voters can't see anywhere else (a company, a board seat, a job) left off is graded D; two left off, D−; three or more, F, a pattern. Legislative pay, which is public, left off with nothing else missing is graded D+. Anything named somewhere on the form counts as listed, and a form not on file is graded F. (Disclosure-form ladder added Oct. 3, 2026.) How a grade can change: candidates can file an amended report or an updated disclosure form at any time. When the missing or unclear item is fixed on the public record, we update the grade and note the date. Feedback appreciated: candidates and readers can send corrections or records we missed to webercountyhive@gmail.com, and we check every one against the public record.
Overall is the average of the graded questions (A = 4, B = 3, C = 2, D = 1, F = 0; N/A and dashes are left out). A plus or minus shows where the average falls between letters, and an average exactly halfway counts toward the higher letter with a minus. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Calder | A | C | C | N/A | C | B− |
| Why: About 57% of his money this period came from individuals, most from nearby cities, and the rest from the county party and two small groups. His report was filed on time and every contributor and payee is named. That meets the law. The money, by category (this report, June 12–Sept. 25, 2026; the page has no full-2026 split): individuals $3,061.08 (57.1%); caucus and leadership PACs $0 (0.0%); other organizations $200 (3.7%); party help $2,100 (39.2%). Own money: none reported. Own money is stated here, not graded. Power A: 93.9% of the counted money came from individual people. Regraded Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; earlier: C. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. | ||||||
| Hall | C | C | C | N/A | C | C |
| Why: About 54% of her money this period came from 15 different groups, none dominant, and 46% from individuals. Her report was filed before the due date and every contributor and payee is named. The public report lists most of her spending lines under the category "Campaign Expense." That meets the law. The money, by category (this report, June 12–Sept. 25, 2026; the page has no full-2026 split): individuals $9,601 (45.8%); caucus and leadership PACs $1,000 (4.8%); other organizations $7,350 (35.1%); party help $3,000 (14.3%). Own money: none reported. Own money is stated here, not graded. Power C: 53.5% of the counted money came from individual people (Republican Women Lead is counted as a party club, the same way the Women's Democratic Club is counted on other pages). Checked Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; unchanged. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. | ||||||
Going beyond the law would look like: saying what each "Campaign Expense" payment bought, and raising most of the money from people who live in the district. (On the state's public report, most spending lines show only the category "Campaign Expense." Candidates can type a description when they file, but the public report may not display it, so a missing description there doesn't mean the candidate left it out.)
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Calder | N/A | C | C | N/A | N/A | C |
| Why: His form lists his job, his military retirement pay, his unpaid seat on his neighborhood HOA board and his spouse. Everything the form requires is there. That meets the law. | ||||||
| Hall | N/A | D | C | N/A | N/A | D |
| Why: Her January 2026 form said she owns Tava Town LLC. Her July 11, 2026 form answers "n/a" to the question about businesses she owns, though the form asks for anything owned during the preceding year, so Tava Town should still be listed. One required item missing is graded D. Her July form also no longer mentions her husband's surgical-center ownership or his Ogden Regional board seat; those were optional items, so they are described here but not graded. Her form does list her 29 stock holdings, her two employers and, under an optional question, her five properties. On her January form, Tava Town LLC appeared only in the optional “other conflicts” item, which counts as listed; on the July form it appears nowhere. Her legislative pay as a sitting representative in 2025, the year the form covers, is not listed anywhere on the form. Under the Hive's ladder, legislative pay left off alongside another missing item doesn't move the letter, but it is named here. Checked against both forms Oct. 3, 2026; grade unchanged. How the grade can change: an updated form that lists Tava Town LLC (if she owned it during the preceding year) and the Legislature. | ||||||
Going beyond the law would look like: listing more than the form asks, such as a spouse's business or unpaid roles, as Kay McRae did in Senate District 20.
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Hall | D | B | B | — | B | B |
| Why: She voted for S.B. 134 and H.B. 392, the same court-power changes graded D for every Weber representative who voted yes. Her own four bills, all signed, add public reporting: H.B. 566 requires a public, quarterly Medicaid spending dashboard by plan, service and provider, with improper-payment reporting and public corrective-action plans; H.B. 527 requires pharmacy benefit managers to publish drug-pricing sources and lets the insurance commissioner fine violations; H.B. 380 requires hospitals to track and report workplace violence. H.B. 51 requires adoption agencies to be nonprofits, gives birth parents independent counsel, counseling and a 72-hour window to revoke consent, and caps living-expense payments. These go beyond the status quo on what the public can see and on who gets standing. This grade covers the 2026 session; her earlier bills, including her 2023 bill on medical care for minors, are on the page but not graded here. What would have scored higher for the collective: explaining on the record, before the votes, how S.B. 134 and H.B. 392 affect checks on court power, as her disclosure bills do for Medicaid and drug pricing. | ||||||
Graded from the 2026 session record. Bill descriptions come from the Better Utah Institute bill tracker's posting of each bill's official description, read through a web text reader on Oct. 2, 2026, not from the enrolled bill text; votes from the same tracker's member pages. “—” means not enough of the record is documented to grade that question. The challenger has not held this office, so there is no record to grade. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
Katy Hall, a registered nurse, has represented House District 11 since defeating incumbent Kelly Miles in the 2022 Republican primary. She faces Dave Calder, a retired Air Force officer and mechanical engineer making his first run for office, in the November general election. A third Democrat, Josh R. Koskan, filed and then withdrew before the June 23 primary, leaving both candidates unopposed within their own parties this cycle.
The district covers Washington Terrace and Riverdale, spanning Weber and Davis counties.
Hall's signature 2026 legislation was HB 51, Adoption Amendments, which she primary-sponsored after a former colleague flagged a rise in what she described as transaction-like adoptions; the bill passed the House 66–1 and is publicly framed as strengthening protections for birth parents.
In 2024 she was primary sponsor of HB 261, Equal Opportunity Initiatives, which bars public education institutions and government employers from requiring diversity-related trainings, statements, or offices.
In 2023 she sponsored Utah's ban on gender-affirming care for transgender minors. A subsequent University of Utah Drug Regimen Review Center report found low risk associated with the standard hormonal treatments covered by the ban, and found that access to treatment was associated with reduced risk of youth suicide; Hall maintained that the ban had a scientific basis. She also joined 81 other state lawmakers and the American Family Association — designated a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center — on an amicus brief in United States v. Skrmetti that cited biblical verses, a position at odds with briefs filed by the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Psychological Association, and the American Bar Association.
Of the nine bills Hall primary-sponsored in the 2026 General Session, seven touch healthcare, pharmacy, or hospital policy directly: Health Care Transparency Amendments, Pharmacy Pricing Amendments, Hospital Workplace Violence Reporting Requirements, Healthcare Worker Post-Employment Amendments, and the Adoption Amendments described above, alongside a school-athlete-protection bill and a school-activity resolution. She also floor-sponsored Health Insurance Preauthorization Amendments and three more healthcare bills — Pediatric Care, Veterinary Post-employment, and Anesthesia Dosage Amendments — each paired with Sen. Jen Plumb, a Democrat.
That concentration lines up with her professional background as a registered nurse. It also lines up with her donor base: this cycle Hall has taken PAC contributions from UnitedHealth Group, Johnson & Johnson PAC, PhRMA, the Utah Medical Political Action Committee, Utah HOSPAC, and Revere Health — all companies or associations with a direct stake in the healthcare policy she writes.
Hall co-sponsored this bill (primary sponsor Ariel Defay, floor sponsor Chris Wilson), a guardrails measure that mandates the Utah State Board of Education adopt model AI/technology policies, sets grade-level screen-time limits, requires written parental notification before classroom AI use, bans AI from independently grading students or making high-stakes decisions about them, and imposes privacy-compliance requirements. It's the same bill later cited as the legislative basis for USBE's rollout of Google Gemini for Education to roughly 680,000 students — a rollout that proceeded without a full board vote. Whether that rollout actually complied with HB 273's own requirements remains an open question.
Cross-referenceHall also co-sponsored HB 236 (chief sponsor Karen Peterson, floor sponsor Daniel McCay), which requires taxing entities proposing a property tax rate increase to produce a new "property tax impact schedule" — a disclosure document laying out the dollar and percentage impact — and to hold the additional revenue in a restricted budget account until final adoption. It also creates a one-year enforcement grace period for the fiscal year beginning July 2026: the State Tax Commission cannot deny a taxing entity's rate increase even if that entity skips the new requirement. Like HB 273, it's a mixed record — a new disclosure mandate paired with softened enforcement in its first year.
Cross-referenceHall's own campaign site states she supports "market solutions like price transparency, reduced regulations, and telemedicine instead of government mandates or socialized medicine." It specifically credits her with HB 270 and SB 319 as bills that let patients "continue care seamlessly... without unnecessary delays or confusion" — and she did sponsor and co-sponsor both.
Her platform frames her approach as favoring reduced regulation over government mandates. Her own primary-sponsored healthcare bills this session — Health Care Transparency Amendments, Hospital Workplace Violence Reporting Requirements, and Pharmacy Pricing Amendments — are themselves new reporting and disclosure requirements placed on the healthcare industry, not a reduction in regulation.
Toggle between the two candidates to compare their September 30th Reports. ● Individuals ● PACs, parties & businesses
September 30th Report, June 12–Sept. 25, 2026. Earlier versions of this page showed about 90% from PACs and committees; that was an estimate across her full 2022–2026 record, replaced here with the latest filed report.
A Utah political operation incorporated by Matthew T. Sanderson, a nationally prominent Republican campaign-finance attorney. Its recipient list reaches dozens of sitting Utah House Republicans.
Controlled by Kyle Palmer, whose consulting firm Irish Elk LLC has drawn more than $88,000 from the PAC since 2022.
Successor to Utahns for Safer Communities, funded through Sage Government Solutions LLC.
Paid Hall $1,000 in both 2024 and 2026. After Bolinder left the legislature, his committee continued paying Kyle Palmer's Irish Elk LLC before distributing $1,000 checks to more than a dozen allied candidates in a single day.
The construction and development conglomerate behind the Nordic Village Public Infrastructure District, a $80 million bonded-debt authorization in Ogden Valley.
One of four companies — alongside PacifiCorp, Chevron, and Torus — that have given Gov. Spencer Cox more than $341,000 combined as part of the state's nuclear-energy push.
A national PAC that has never reported receiving a contribution since it was created in 2016, and has run on an undisclosed funding source ever since.
Coleman, founder of the Children First Education Fund and an architect of Utah's scholarship-granting-organization tax mechanism, gave Hall $25 in 2022. Separately, Hall's campaign paid $600 to Path Forward Utah, an organization co-directed by Utah State Board of Education member Joseph Kerry.
September 30th Report, June 12–Sept. 25, 2026. His in-kind gifts (sign stakes and hardware, $356) aren't counted.
Hall's own state-required conflict-of-interest disclosure lists a Fidelity brokerage account holding stock in 29 companies, including Boeing, Johnson & Johnson, and Nucor. All three also gave her campaign PAC money this cycle.
Boeing PAC gave Hall $500; Johnson & Johnson PAC gave $600 across two cycles; Nucor Corporation PAC gave $1,800 across four separate contributions. Hall personally holds stock in all three companies, per her own disclosure.
Hall is a registered nurse at Ogden Regional Medical Center. Her spouse, Michael Hall, works at Ogden Clinic, holds ownership stakes in IHC Layton Surgical Center and North Ogden Surgical Center, and sits on the board at Ogden Regional Medical Center — the same hospital where Hall is employed.
Hall's January 2026 conflict-of-interest filing disclosed her spouse's surgical-center ownership, his hospital board seat, and her own ownership in Tava Town LLC. Her July 11, 2026 filing leaves that section blank and answers "n/a" to the question about businesses she owns. See the disclosure grade above.
Calder is an Air Force veteran and mechanical engineer who worked as an aircraft battle-damage engineer at Hill Air Force Base before joining the University of Dayton Research Institute, where he remains employed as a Distinguished Research Engineer supporting aging-aircraft systems for military and commercial clients. A former Davis County Republican delegate, he says he left the party the day it nominated Donald Trump for president in 2016.
His conflict-of-interest disclosure shows no owned entities, no stock or bond holdings above the $5,000 reporting threshold, and a single unpaid board position on his neighborhood homeowners association.
His campaign has drawn support from Democratic nominees in neighboring districts, including Rosemary Lesser and her spouse (HD10) and Bianca Mittendorf (HD7), alongside donations from Washington Terrace neighbors and family.
Calder's campaign site lists nine issue positions:
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