Both candidates filed their September 30th reports on the due date. Rep. Ryan Wilcox (R) put in $5,000 of his own money, 59% of what he raised this period, and one of his contributions appeared 84 days after the date it was received. Bianca Mittendorf (D) raised 83% of hers from individuals, and one of her payments lists no payee name. Grades, the full money picture and Wilcox's family ties to a PAC that funded him are below.
Updated Oct. 2, 2026, with legislative-record grades added. Earlier update Oct. 1, 2026, with both candidates' September 30th Reports (period June 12–Sept. 25) and their disclosure forms.
Both candidates' own filings on disclosures.utah.gov, period June 12–Sept. 25, 2026. Cash contributions only; in-kind gifts are listed separately.
| Mittendorf (D) | Wilcox (R) | |
|---|---|---|
| Submitted | Sept. 30 (due date) | Sept. 30 (due date) |
| Raised this period | $6,874.76 | $8,501.00 |
| Spent this period | $6,847.98 | $11,644.11 |
| Cash on hand, Sept. 25 | $401.15 | $1,007.28 |
| Raised, all of 2026 | $15,866.23 | $15,001.00 |
| From individuals, this period | 83% | 6% (plus 59% his own money) |
| From PACs, parties & businesses, this period | 17% | 35% |
Wilcox gave his campaign $5,000 on Sept. 15. Groups gave $3,001: U-CAR PAC of the Utah Auto Dealers Association ($1,001), the Committee to Elect Brad Wilson ($1,000), 1-800 Contacts ($500) and Altria Client Services ($500). Two individuals gave $250 each, Craig Weston of Highland and Carl Cox of Holladay. All seven entries were added to the report on Sept. 30.
One date stands out under Utah's rule that each contribution be reported within 31 days of receipt. The 1-800 Contacts gift is dated July 8, 2026, and first appears on his filings Sept. 30, 84 days later. The other six fall inside the 31-day window. These are the dates as filed; we make no finding about penalties.
He spent $11,644, more than he raised, leaving $1,007. Most lines are small: Amazon and Amazon Marketplace purchases (the largest $2,572.93, "Campaign Expense"), travel (Uber, Lyft, Amtrak, Delta, hotels), phone and software. Several lines are labeled "Donations" and paid to stores: Walmart ($732.41, $60.02 and $42.06), Amazon Marketplace ($160.83) and Big 5 Sporting Goods ($51.48), plus $250 to Tim Billings. He paid the American Legislative Exchange Council $225 ("Association Expense") and Reagan Outdoor Advertising $220.10.
About 50 individuals gave $5,724.76, most in gifts of $5 to $250 from Ogden, North Ogden and the Salt Lake area. The largest were Katherine Matheson ($2,000), Jonathan Ruga ($500) and Jami Lang ($500). Groups gave $1,150: IBEW PAC ($1,000) and the Women's Democratic Club ($150). She also reported $2,160 in in-kind gifts that don't count toward the total, led by a $1,500 candidate video from Jon Miles of North Ogden.
She spent $6,848: Apollo Political ($1,815 in three payments), Peter Hildyard ($1,335.94, advertising), CM Consulting Services ($1,250), OTCHEAP Customprints ($631.20) and smaller items. One payment of $501.94 on Aug. 29 lists the payee only as "check," with the purpose "Campaign Expense," so the report doesn't say who was paid.
Mittendorf's temporary contributions list also shows $2,300 in gifts dated Sept. 29 (Weber County Democratic Party $2,000, Utah AFL-CIO $300). Those fall after the Sept. 25 close and belong to the next report.
IN PLAIN WORDSEvery dollar each campaign reported, sorted into piles: people, caucus and leadership PACs, other organizations, party help and the candidate's own money. Bars are drawn to the same scale, so a short bar means less money. These are facts from the filings; they are shown here, not graded.
Periods differ where the filings in hand differ; each candidate's period is listed with their bar. "Own money" includes loans and money moved from the candidate's own earlier campaign account, as labeled. Disclosure-form lines come from each candidate's own form as described on this page. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
Every item is graded on the same five questions used across this project: Power, Transparency, Financial accountability, Environmental impact and Community impact. A C means the record meets what Utah law requires, the status quo. A B or A means the candidate went beyond it, and the record shows it. D means something is vague or bundled, or a public check is weakened; F means something required is missing, or a check is removed with nothing in its place. On reports, one required item missing is graded D, since it can be a mistake; several missing from the same report is graded F. On disclosure forms, an item voters can't see anywhere else (a company, a board seat, a job) left off is graded D; two left off, D−; three or more, F, a pattern. Legislative pay, which is public, left off with nothing else missing is graded D+. Anything named somewhere on the form counts as listed, and a form not on file is graded F. (Disclosure-form ladder added Oct. 3, 2026.) How a grade can change: candidates can file an amended report or an updated disclosure form at any time. When the missing or unclear item is fixed on the public record, we update the grade and note the date. Feedback appreciated: candidates and readers can send corrections or records we missed to webercountyhive@gmail.com, and we check every one against the public record.
Two timing rules apply to every candidate on this site: a report filed by its due date is on time, and each contribution should appear within 31 days of the date it was received.
Overall is the average of the graded questions (A = 4, B = 3, C = 2, D = 1, F = 0; N/A and dashes are left out). A plus or minus shows where the average falls between letters, and an average exactly halfway counts toward the higher letter with a minus. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Wilcox | D | D | C | N/A | D | D+ |
| Why: His report was filed on its due date. One contribution, $500 from 1-800 Contacts dated July 8, first appears 84 days later, outside the 31-day window. Besides his own $5,000, only two individuals gave this period, neither with an address in the district; the rest came from four groups. Several spending lines are labeled only "Donations." The money, by category (this report, June 12–Sept. 25, 2026; the page has no full-2026 split): individuals $500 (5.9%); caucus and leadership PACs $0 (0.0%); other organizations $3,001 (35.3%); party help $0 (0.0%). Own money: $5,000 (58.8% of everything raised) (the report does not say whether it is a gift or a loan). Own money is stated here, not graded. Power D: 14.3% of the counted money came from individual people. Regraded Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; earlier: C. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. What would have scored higher for the collective: each gift reported within 31 days, and a donor base that includes people who live in the district. | ||||||
| Mittendorf | B | D | C | N/A | C | C |
| Why: Her report was filed on its due date, and about 83% of her money this period came from roughly 50 individuals. One payment of $501.94 lists the payee only as "check." Utah requires a detailed listing of each expenditure, and who was paid is part of that, so a required item is missing. One required item missing is graded D; several missing from the same filing is graded F. Every contribution falls inside the 31-day window. The money, by category (this report, June 12–Sept. 25, 2026; the page has no full-2026 split, cash): individuals $5,724.76 (83.3%); caucus and leadership PACs $0 (0.0%); other organizations $1,000 (14.5%); party help $150 (2.2%). Own money: none reported. Own money is stated here, not graded. Power B: 85.1% of the counted money came from individual people. Regraded Oct. 2, 2026 on the Hive's fixed scale; earlier: C, then B under the grassroots rule earlier today. Scale: A = 90% or more of the counted money from individual people; B = 67–89%; C = 34–66%; D = 10–33%; F = under 10%. Counted money is individuals plus caucus and leadership PACs plus other organizations (businesses, trade and union PACs, other candidates' campaigns). Ordinary party help and the candidate's own money are shown but not counted. What would have scored higher for the collective: naming every payee and saying what each "Campaign Expense" bought. | ||||||
Going beyond the law would look like: saying what each "Campaign Expense" payment bought, and raising most of the money from people who live in the district. (On the state's public report, most spending lines show only the category "Campaign Expense." Candidates can type a description when they file, but the public report may not display it, so a missing description there doesn't mean the candidate left it out.)
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Wilcox | N/A | D+ | C | N/A | N/A | D+ |
| Why: His form lists his job (Federal Relations Director, Intermountain Health), the business he owns (Next Play Strategic, Inc., consulting and strategy), his income source and two board seats (Ogden School Foundation and Major Brent Taylor Foundation). He also lists his wife's employer, the Ogden School District, and his home under the optional property question; the form asks for both only if he believes they may be a conflict. That goes beyond what the form requires. The form does not ask about relatives, so his family ties to Utah Forward PAC (below) are not on it. His legislative pay as a sitting representative in 2025, the year the form covers, is not listed anywhere on the form. Legislative pay is public, so with nothing else missing it is graded D+; the extra items he listed don't lift a missing one. Earlier: B. Regraded Oct. 3, 2026. How the grade can change: an updated form that lists the Legislature. | ||||||
| Mittendorf | N/A | B | C | N/A | N/A | B |
| Why: Her form lists both jobs (Human Resources and Equity Director at the Utah Education Association; research assistant in the University of Utah's Department of Special Education) and her board seat (Rise Virtual Academy). She also lists her husband's current and previous employers (University of Utah; Inspire Medical Systems), which the form asks for only if she believes they may be a conflict. That goes beyond what the form requires. Her income line reads “Not applicable” while her two jobs are named on the form; because the jobs are named, that is noted here, not graded. | ||||||
Going beyond the law would look like: listing more than the form asks, such as a spouse's business or unpaid roles, as Kay McRae did in Senate District 20.
| Candidate | Power | Transparency | Money | Environment | Community | Overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Wilcox | D | C | C | — | C | C |
| Why: He voted for S.B. 134 and H.B. 392, which give the governor more control over court appointments and let state officials, but not private parties, move constitutional cases to a three-judge panel. He was primary sponsor of 26 bills; 11 were signed. H.B. 220 sends public safety data to a state portal and adds new reporting by colleges, the parole board and the Prosecutor Conduct Commission, but says the state commission does not have to fill records requests for raw portal data. H.B. 72 adds daily limits, fraud warnings and receipts at cryptocurrency kiosks and quarterly case reporting. H.B. 24 lowers some driving offenses to infractions. Two of his bills that would have added outside checks did not pass: H.B. 39 (independent jail and prison standards with outside inspections) and H.J.R. 23 (sponsors must state the problem and measurable goals for each bill). None of his documented bills deals with water or land. What would have scored higher for the collective: keeping raw public-safety data open to records requests in H.B. 220, and getting H.B. 39's independent jail inspections across the finish line. | ||||||
Graded from the 2026 session record. Bill descriptions come from the Better Utah Institute bill tracker's posting of each bill's official description, read through a web text reader on Oct. 2, 2026, not from the enrolled bill text; votes from the same tracker's member pages. “—” means not enough of the record is documented to grade that question. The challenger has not held this office, so there is no record to grade. Added Oct. 2, 2026.
Prior reporting on this race documented Wilcox raising roughly ten times Mittendorf's cash over the full cycle, more than $4,000 in a single reporting period from developer-aligned PACs (Utah Forward PAC, Lincoln Hill Partners PAC — whose full support across multiple years totals far more, detailed below), and an undisclosed family relationship — Katrina Gibson is his aunt by marriage.
Wilcox's 2026 Convention Report (1/1–3/30/2026) reported $6,500 raised year-to-date through that period. Only $4,000 of that is itemized by name in the sources reviewed for this case file — the two PAC payments below. The remaining roughly $1,250 from that period has not been identified.
| Date | Donor | Amount | Note |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1/16/2026 | Lincoln Hill Partners PAC | $1,000.00 | Registered MIDA lobbyists |
| Jan 2026 | Utah Forward PAC | $3,000.00 | Founded by his aunt by marriage, Katrina Gibson |
| — | Unitemized balance, Convention Report period | ~$1,250.00 | Not identified in reports reviewed |
| 5/1/2026 | NUCOR Corporation PAC of Utah | $500.00 | Steel industry |
| 5/14/2026 | SEL Inc. | $250.00 | Pleasant Grove |
| 6/9/2026 | Utah Bankers Association | $500.00 |
| Date | Recipient | Purpose | Amount |
|---|---|---|---|
| 4/1 | Weber County Republican Party | Donations | $500.00 |
| 4/1 | Weber County Republican Party | Donations | $500.00 |
| 4/13 | Weber County Republican Women | Donations | $300.00 |
| 5/30 | Unified Defense Systems | Other – Security Services | $1,500.00 |
| 6/9 | Richard Hyer Campaign | Donations | $500.00 |
Utah Forward PAC and Lincoln Hill Partners PAC are recent additions to Wilcox's funding, appearing starting in 2023. But institutional and out-of-state PAC money has defined his campaigns since his very first race. Full itemized disclosure records for his first tenure in the House (2008–2014) confirm it:
| Year | Raised | Note |
|---|---|---|
| 2008 | $39,111 | First race, 128 transactions |
| 2009 | $1,100 | Off-year |
| 2010 | $35,758 | Re-election, 78 transactions |
| 2011 | $9,969 | Off-year |
| 2012 | $28,329 | Re-election |
| 2013 | $5,700 | Off-year |
| 2014 | $3,950 | Partial year, through April, on file |
Top donors across this period: Utah Credit Union PAC $8,206.20; U-PAC $3,489.73; Utah Association of Realtors PAC $3,000; Energy Solutions $2,600; Sprint Nextel $2,500; Utah Association of Realtors $2,000; Weber County Republican Party $2,000; Workers Compensation Fund $1,950; Merit Medical $1,800; Utah Medical PAC $1,600. Zero deleted entries were found anywhere in this record — a genuine point of contrast with other candidates' filings reviewed elsewhere in this repository.
His 2024 Year End Report (covering 10/25–12/31/2024, submitted 1/10/2025) shows the pattern directly. All seven itemized contributions, $2,650, were added as amendments on 1/10/2025, the day the report was due, so the report itself was on time. Six of the seven are dated 11/8/2024, which puts them 63 days after receipt, outside the 31-day window; the seventh (eBay, 12/19/2024) is inside it.
| Date received | Donor | Amount | Amended in on |
|---|---|---|---|
| 11/8/2024 | Utah Petroleum Marketers and Retailers Association | $100.00 | 1/10/2025 |
| 11/8/2024 | Utah Beer Wholesalers Association | $250.00 | 1/10/2025 |
| 11/8/2024 | United Health Group (Washington, DC) | $300.00 | 1/10/2025 |
| 11/8/2024 | American Property Casualty Insurance Association (Chicago) | $500.00 | 1/10/2025 |
| 11/8/2024 | Altria Client Services (Virginia) | $500.00 | 1/10/2025 |
| 11/8/2024 | Utah HOSPAC | $500.00 | 1/10/2025 |
| 12/19/2024 | eBay Inc. (San Jose) | $500.00 | 1/10/2025 |
Utah Forward PAC's $3,000 to Wilcox didn't come from nowhere. Its own itemized donor history, documented through prior disclosure research, traces back to real estate developers and a sitting state Senate leader:
| Donor | Amount | Note |
|---|---|---|
| Nilson Homes / Nilson & Company Inc. | $20,000 | Largest documented donor to the PAC |
| Building Construction Partners LLC | $10,000 | |
| Shane Dunleavy | — | Gave both personally and through his corporate vehicle, Rincon Financial |
| John Lewis | — | Of the Lewis+Dunleavy development partnership |
| Adams Leadership PAC | — | Controlled by then-Senate President Stuart Adams |
In other words: the $3,000 that reached Wilcox from his aunt's PAC traces upstream to real estate developers and a sitting Senate President's own leadership PAC, not an anonymous committee.
Lincoln Hill Partners PAC's support for Wilcox is larger than a single gift. Across four separate contributions from 2023 through 2026, the PAC gave him $6,750 total:
| Date | Amount |
|---|---|
| 1/5/2023 | $750.00 |
| 9/18/2024 | $2,500.00 |
| 5/27/2025 | $2,500.00 |
| 1/16/2026 | $1,000.00 |
The PAC is the distribution arm of Lincoln Hill Partners, a lobbying firm co-founded by Lincoln Shurtz and Casey Hill. It's funded upstream through Fides LLC, a money-collection vehicle that has moved more than $332,500 through the network since 2023. What is documented: the distribution side — a long list of Utah legislators who've received Lincoln Hill Partners PAC money, and Lincoln Shurtz's dual role as Fides LLC's manager and, separately, Director of Government Affairs for the Utah Association of Counties. What is NOT yet documented, and shouldn't be asserted as fact: the specific individual or corporate names who gave money directly into Fides LLC or Lincoln Hill PAC itself. That upstream donor list has not been itemized by name in the research behind this piece.
A more complete pull covering 2022 through mid-2026 — closing most of the gap between his first House tenure and the current cycle — adds real detail and one correction to the clean-record impression the earlier 2008-2014 data gave.
Rather than a flat average, the year-by-year amendment rate shows a real progression — and it climbs right around when Utah Forward PAC and Lincoln Hill Partners PAC money starts appearing in his filings:
Share of each year's campaign finance line items added as amendments after the original report was submitted. An amendment is not late by itself; lateness depends on the dates described above. 2026 is a partial year, through the convention period only.
Two individual reports stand out even against that rising trend: the 2024 Year End Report, where all seven contributions were added on the due date (six of them 63 days after receipt), and the 2025 Year End Report, where 50 of 58 total line items — contributions and routine expenditures alike — were added on Jan. 11, 2026, the day after the due date.
Deadlines confirmed via disclosures.utah.gov: Year End Report due Jan 10 each year. The 2024 report's 7 contributions were added on the due date itself. The 2025 report went further — 50 of its 58 total line items, contributions and routine expenditures alike, were added the day after the deadline.
Other confirmed top donors, 2022-2026: Larry H Miller Company $5,000; Select Health $4,500; Utah Association of Realtors PAC $4,000; Wilson Leadership PAC $4,000 (Brad Wilson's leadership PAC, 2 gifts) plus a separate Committee to Elect Brad Wilson $1,000; Utah HOSPAC $3,000; Energy Solutions $3,000; U-CAR PAC (Utah Auto Dealers) $2,253; Altria Client Services $2,000 (four more gifts, continuing the pattern documented in his earlier career); Utah Metal Works Inc. $2,000; H3 PAC $1,000 (two gifts) — the same Hartley brothers PAC documented elsewhere in this publication's reporting; NUCOR Corporation PAC $1,300; PacifiCorp $1,000; Enterprise Holdings PAC $1,000; Home Builders Association of Utah PAC $1,000.
Wilcox's own family history connects him directly to a PAC that has funded his campaigns, established through cross-referenced public obituaries. Wayne B. Gibson (d. December 2021) — longtime Weber County Planning Commission member, nearly 30-year Weber Basin Water District President, Weber County Farm Bureau President, and a Reagan-era appointee to the State ASC Committee — had three children: Kerry Gibson, Ron Gibson, and Melanie Gibson Wilcox. Melanie married Roy Wilcox; their son is Ryan Wilcox. Kerry Gibson married Katrina Gibson.
That makes Kerry Gibson Ryan Wilcox's uncle, and Katrina Gibson his aunt by marriage. Neither relationship appears on any campaign filing by either party; Utah's campaign finance reports and disclosure forms do not ask candidates to list relatives.
The uncle at the center of this network is not a private citizen who happened to fund a PAC. He is one of Weber County's best-known former officials, with a career spanning elected office, a governor's cabinet, and a failed congressional bid:
| Years | Position |
|---|---|
| 2005-2010 | Utah House of Representatives (three terms); chaired Natural Resources Appropriations Committee |
| 2011-2018 | Weber County Commissioner (two terms); President, Utah Association of Counties |
| 2018-2019 | Deputy Director, Utah Department of Natural Resources |
| 2019-2020 | Commissioner, Utah Department of Agriculture and Food (Gov. Gary Herbert appointee) |
| 2020 | Republican candidate, Utah's 1st Congressional District – won GOP convention, lost June primary to Blake Moore |
| 2021-present | Registered Utah lobbyist (NRAE Solutions LLC) |
Kerry Gibson is a registered Utah lobbyist (since 1/17/2021, via NRAE Solutions LLC), with clients including Ogden City, Plain City, Mountain Green Sewer Improvement District, and Wolf Creek Management. Katrina Gibson founded Utah Forward PAC and is listed as its CFO and registered agent, funded by developers including Nilson Homes, Building Construction Partners, Lewis, and Dunleavy.
In January 2026, Utah Forward PAC paid Ryan Wilcox $3,000. That same month, Wilcox personally donated $500 to Katrina Gibson's own Weber County Commission campaign (jointly with his wife, Kristina). Wilcox then publicly endorsed Katrina Gibson for Commission Seat A.
Separately, Utah Forward PAC also paid Steven Gibson — a cousin of Kerry Gibson's, confirmed via a public Facebook exchange between the two — $1,000 on 7/29/2025, listed as "Donations." Wilcox's own campaign additionally paid someone named Ryder Wilcox $1,750 (1/27/2026, "Campaign Expense") — a possible family member whose relationship to the candidate has not been confirmed.
The gifts below, June 16 through July 25, were the first part of her September 30th period; the full report is summarized at the top of this page.
| Date | Donor | Amount |
|---|---|---|
| 6/16, 7/16 | Catherine McNeel | $10.00 + $10.00 |
| 6/17 | Yonathan Workalemahu | $20.00 |
| 6/19 | David Lesser | $250.00 |
| 6/20 | Paula Smith | $100.00 |
| 6/23 | Karen Loveridge | $25.00 |
| 6/24 | Doug Nielsen | $50.00 |
| 6/27, 7/25 | Rosalba Dominguez | $5.00 + $5.00 |
| 6/28 | Lisa Nentl-Bloom (North Branch, MN) | $200.00 |
| 6/30 | Carla Trentelman | $50.00 |
| 7/2 | Angela Choberka | $25.00 |
| 7/2 | Stacy Bernal | $25.00 |
| 7/9 | Tamara Kentch-Jones | $100.00 |
| 7/9 | Hilaree Lowry | $20.00 |
| 7/10 | Ashley Marks | $5.00 |
| 7/12 | Gretchen Vallaro (West Milford, NJ) | $20.00 |
| 7/15 | Oscar Mata | $150.00 |
| 7/15 | Chelsea Rodriguez | $20.00 |
| 7/19 | Peggy Troyer (Westchester, IL) | $1.00 |
| 7/20 | Katherine Matheson | $2,000.00 |
| 7/20 | Cindy Formeller | $100.00 |
| 7/20 | Rosalind Van Vleet | $50.00 |
| 7/21 | IBEW PAC Voluntary Fund | $1,000.00 |
| 7/21 | Women's Democratic Club | $150.00 |
| 7/22 | Michael Stevenson | $25.00 |
| 7/23 | Jeremy Thompson (Roy) | $100.00 |
David Lesser's $250 gift is the third different Weber-area Democratic race the Lesser household has given to this cycle, alongside Kim James (HD8) and Kacee Weaver (USBE District 2).
Angela Choberka's $25 personal gift confirms mutual HD7/HD9 support already on record — Choberka's campaign separately paid $380 to "Bianca Mittendorf for HD7."
Jeremy Thompson's $100 gift (7/23, Roy) shares a name, city, and exact date with a "Jeremy A Thompson" $50 gift to Kacee Weaver's USBE campaign the same day — likely the same person giving to two different candidates, not yet independently confirmed.
Katherine Matheson's $2,000 gift (7/20) is the largest single contribution in this batch and the largest in her full September 30th Report.
Toggle between the two candidates to compare where their September 30th period money came from. Individuals Candidate's own money PACs, parties & businesses
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