New here? Education First Utah is a PAC/nonprofit DBA that gives to legislative candidates under an "education advocacy" banner. Utah Behavior Services is a Taylorsville-based Applied Behavior Analysis (ABA) therapy company for children with autism that separately makes its own direct political contributions. They look unrelated on the surface — but their giving overlaps on the same recipient, in the same week, and Education First Utah's own founding paperwork traces to executives at a private prison company.
1. What Are These Two Entities?
Education First Utah
Applicant/owner is "Education First, A Utah Nonprofit Corporation" (Entity #10572869-0140). Registered address 500 N Marketplace Drive #100, Centerville — the headquarters of Management & Training Corporation (MTC), a private prison and job-corps contractor. Its own site says it was "organized in 2011" and presents itself as a bipartisan, consensus-driven education-policy advocate with "no litmus test on any issue."
Utah Behavior Services
A real Applied Behavior Analysis (ABA) therapy provider for children with autism spectrum disorder, with multiple Salt Lake County clinic locations. Kerry Gibson's own 2023 lobbyist registration lists it as a client alongside Bridgeway Integrated Healthcare Services — confirmed further by a 2026 contribution filed jointly under both names.
Three separate MTC executives are tied directly to Education First Utah's founding paperwork — not an inferred connection, a documented one. The DBA's own registration filing names Michael P. Petrogeorge as the filer (confirmed VP & General Counsel, MTC), Ammaron Wolfgramm as registered agent (confirmed Director, Treasury & Capital Management, MTC), and MTC's own President, Bob Marquardt, sits on Education First Utah's Executive Committee per its own published leadership page.
Corporation"] MTC --> P["Michael Petrogeorge
VP & General Counsel
filed the DBA"] MTC --> W["Ammaron Wolfgramm
Treasury Director
registered agent"] MTC --> M["Bob Marquardt
President
Executive Committee"] P --> EFU["Education First Utah"] W --> EFU M --> EFU
"Education First, A Utah Nonprofit Corporation" — the DBA's own applicant/owner — has no findable federal tax-exempt record. Checked directly against four separate sources: the IRS's own Tax Exempt Organization Search, Candid/GuideStar's nonprofit database, ProPublica's Nonprofit Explorer, and the Utah Nonprofits Association's member directory. All four come back empty for this entity, while each of those databases readily surfaces other small Utah nonprofits, including several also based in Centerville. Incorporating as a "nonprofit corporation" under Utah state law is a state-law governance structure — it doesn't by itself confer federal 501(c) tax-exempt status, which requires a separate IRS application and determination. Nothing here confirms one way or the other why no record turns up — a never-filed application, a pending one, or registration under a name or EIN not yet tried are all possible — but the absence is real and consistent across every database checked.
2. Leadership Overlap — the Same Names Fund Three Different Networks
Education First Utah's own published leadership roster connects it directly to two other fully-documented networks: CMV PAC (Count My Vote) and the Clyde Companies PID development network.
Rich McKeown
Co-Founder, Leavitt Partners — and separately, per this project's own CMV PAC case file, the Director/Executive who has chaired Count My Vote since its 2013 founding.
Wilford Clyde
President, Clyde Companies, Inc. — the same parent company already mapped in this project's Nordic Village PID research, including its 45% ownership stake via Clyde Capital Group/GWC Capital.
Blake Kirby
Managing Director, Bandon Holdings — also Education First's own PAC Treasurer per an earlier officer filing, confirming he sits at both the PAC and the parent-nonprofit level.
Co-Chairs: Gail Miller (Chairwoman, Larry H. Miller Group of Companies), Ron Jibson (Retired President/CEO, Questar), Scott Anderson (President/CEO, Zions Bank — separately a confirmed $50,000 CMV PAC donor). Executive Committee: Jesselie Anderson (Member, Utah Board of Higher Education), Bob Marquardt (President, Management & Training Company), Nolan Karras (Former Utah Speaker of the House; Chairman, The Karras Company, LLC), Dr. Jeff Stephens (Education First Utah Executive Director; former Superintendent, Weber School District).
Co-Chair"] RM["Rich McKeown
Steering Committee"] WC["Wilford Clyde
Steering Committee"] EFU(["Education First Utah"]) CMV(["CMV PAC
Count My Vote"]) CLYDE(["Clyde Companies /
Nordic Village PID"]) GM --> EFU GM -- "largest personal donor,
$140,500" --> CMV RM --> EFU RM -- chairs --> CMV WC --> EFU WC -- President --> CLYDE
3. The Money
Neither entity shows any giving activity before 2021. Utah Behavior Services' pattern is notably bipartisan and cross-chamber: both House Speaker Mike Schultz and Senate Minority Leader Luz Escamilla received personal checks, alongside the Utah Republican Party (State) and the Utah House Republican Election Committee.
Bar widths are scaled within each row to the largest single year (2024, $23,936) for visual comparison — not to the combined 2021–2026 total.
4. The Stevenson Overlap
The closest same-recipient overlap found in this dataset: Sen. Jerry Stevenson — sitting MIDA Vice Chair at the time — received the identical amount from both entities, one week apart. What would explain two differently-named giving entities reaching the same recipient, with the same amount, in the same week?
5. Who Runs Bridgeway / Utah Behavior Services Now
Utah Behavior Services was co-founded in 2008 by Natalie Whatcott and Sarah Sanders; the corporation itself, "Bridgeway Integrated Healthcare Services, Inc.," was formed in 2010 and adopted "Bridgeway" as its public name in 2025 — its own site states it plainly: "Formerly known as Utah Behavior Services." The current officer registry looks different from that founding story.
President & Director"]) NW --> SW["Steve Whatcott
Officer"] NW --> RG["Rachal Green
VP & Director"] NW --> DG["Dustin Green
Officer"] NW --> CL["Camille Larson
Secretary /
VP Operations"] NW --> KG["Kerry Gibson
Government Affairs
Director"]
Kerry Gibson appearing as the company's own in-house Government Affairs Director — not an outside lobbyist with them as one client among several — is worth noting alongside his other roles documented elsewhere in this project's research (Xalisco LLC, the Sawyer vendor network, the Nadolski/Ogden ties).
Employment litigation, on the public record
Utah Investigative Journalism Project and the Salt Lake Tribune (Taylor Stevens, Nov. 2022) reported that Utah Behavior Services has pursued noncompete enforcement against numerous former employees over several years, including a case against a competing clinic that hired some of them. Parents quoted in the reporting said they worried the disputes could disrupt their children's care; the company's public response to the coverage called it "vicious and personally motivated." A federal court record from 2017 separately confirms Whatcott and Sanders were both "Co-CEOs" as of 2014, in a dispute connected to the company's expansion into St. George — the same market where Sanders later incorporated her own similarly-named company.
6. Why These Recipients?
Cross-checking every name on Education First Utah's own 42-name endorsement slate against both entities' full itemized contribution data turns up the sharpest pattern in this dataset: an endorsement and an actual check are two very different things.
The 8 who received money: Logan Monson ($5,000, EFU), Jake Sawyer ($4,500, EFU+UBS), Dave Shallenberger ($2,936, EFU), Mike Schultz ($3,000, UBS), Jefferson Moss ($1,500–$4,000, UBS + likely EFU), Christine Watkins ($500, UBS), Derrin Owens ($2,000, UBS), Don Ipson ($500, UBS).
Committee membership alone doesn't predict funding either. Three sitting Senate Education Committee members on the endorsement slate — Lincoln Fillmore, David Hinkins, and Michael McKell — received zero dollars from either entity, same as everyone else on the endorsed-only list. So the real dividing line isn't "relevant committee" — it's something narrower: a leadership role (Monson is Vice Chair), an existing multi-year relationship, or a specific piece of legislation. An endorsement looks cheap to hand out broadly; an actual check is a separately-targeted decision.
Layering the committee data in anyway still shows where the funded names sit:
Full committee-by-committee breakdown (23 members across 4 committees + 1 bill sponsor)
| Committee | Member | Role | Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| Senate Education | John D. Johnson | Chair | Neither |
| Senate Education | Heidi Balderree | Member | Recipient — $2,500 UBS |
| Senate Education | Lincoln Fillmore | Member | Endorsed only |
| Senate Education | David Hinkins | Member | Endorsed only |
| Senate Education | Michael McKell | Member | Endorsed only |
| Senate Education | Kathleen Riebe (D) | Member | Neither |
| Senate Education | Chris Wilson | Member | Recipient — $1,000 UBS |
| House Education | R. Neil Walter | Chair | Neither |
| House Education | Ariel Defay | Vice Chair | Endorsed only |
| House Education | Tracy Miller | Member | Endorsed only |
| House Education | Carol Spackman Moss (D) | Member | Endorsed only |
| House Education | Karen Peterson | Member | Endorsed only |
| House Education | Jason Thompson | Member | Endorsed only |
| House Education | Doug Welton | Member | Endorsed only |
| Senate Health & Human Services | Keith Grover | Chair | Neither |
| Senate Health & Human Services | Jerry Stevenson | Member | Recipient — $5,000 combined, both entities |
| Senate Health & Human Services | Luz Escamilla | Member | Recipient — $2,500 UBS |
| House Health & Human Services | Katy Hall | Chair | Neither |
| House Health & Human Services | Logan Monson | Vice Chair | Recipient — $5,000 combined EFU; presented HB471 in 2026 |
| House Health & Human Services | Stewart Barlow | Member | Endorsed only |
| House Health & Human Services | Steve Eliason | Member | Endorsed only — sponsored SB241/SB204 autism-Medicaid bills |
| House Health & Human Services | Ray Ward | Member | Endorsed only |
| Bill-specific | Cory Maloy | Sponsor, HB0269 Ambulance Provider Payment | Recipient — $1,000 UBS |
Two names outside the 8/42 pattern are worth a closer look for the opposite reason — a values-fit or funding relationship with no clean structural explanation. Stacy Bernal (SD-3 candidate, Democrat) is a sitting elected member of the Ogden School Board, founder of Awesome Autistic Ogden, and partnered with Ogden PD on an autism safety registry — an actual education policymaker with the clearest values-fit of anyone on the slate, and still endorsed-only, no dollars. Bob Stevenson (HD-16 candidate, $7,500 from EFU — tied with Jerry Stevenson for the largest combined individual total identified anywhere in this dataset) isn't on the 42-name endorsement slate at all — he's funded without a public endorsement, the reverse of Bernal's situation. He does hold an education degree and taught school before entering local government, though education isn't among the four priorities on his own campaign site. If values-fit predicted funding, Bernal would be funded; if funding predicted endorsement, Stevenson would be on the list. Neither holds.
7. Testing the Claim
Education First Utah's own site states its standard plainly: "Education First Utah supports candidates for the Utah legislature who are open minded, smart and reasonable in their approach to decision making. Education First Utah does not have a litmus test on any issue for candidates to gain our support. Incumbents with a history of supporting educators and students in their past voting are appreciated." — educationfirstutah.org
That claim is specifically about incumbents' past voting — so it's only fair to test it against sitting legislators who have an actual voting record, not against genuinely new candidates. Of the 42 names on the slate, three have never cast a state legislative vote at all: Stacy Bernal (SD-3, currently Ogden School Board only), Linda Hanks (HD-66), and Mike Bird (HD-35). The claim doesn't apply to them one way or the other. That leaves 32 sitting incumbents with a real record to check against the Utah Education Association's own 2025 legislative scorecard — the most direct, independently-sourced measure of "supporting educators and students in past voting" available.
The four highest-scoring incumbents on the whole slate — Ray Ward, Tracy Miller, Paul Cutler, and David Hinkins, all at 83% — receive no money. Two of the lowest-scoring incumbents on the whole slate — Jake Sawyer and Jefferson Moss, both at 20% — do. If a legislator's actual record of supporting educators explained who gets paid, this would run the other way.
The people EFU actually pays score lower, on average, than the people it merely endorses. Jake Sawyer and Jefferson Moss — two of the 8 funded recipients — tie for the lowest UEA score (20%) of anyone on the entire slate, matched only by two unfunded names (Walt Brooks, Lisa Shephard). Meanwhile several of the highest-scored incumbents on the whole list — Ray Ward (83%), Tracy Miller (83%), Paul Cutler (83%), David Hinkins (83%) — are endorsed and receive nothing. If "history of supporting educators" were the operative standard for money, the ranking would run the other way.
Full incumbent scorecard (32 names with a UEA record, plus 3 with no legislative voting record)
| Name | Chamber | UEA Score | Funding Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| David Hinkins | Senate | 83% | Endorsed only |
| Lincoln Fillmore | Senate | 50% | Endorsed only |
| Michael McKell | Senate | 33% | Endorsed only |
| Cal Musselman | Senate | 33% | Endorsed only |
| Don Ipson | Senate | 33% | Recipient — $500 UBS |
| Derrin Owens | Senate | 33% | Recipient — $2,000 UBS |
| Carol Spackman Moss (D) | House | 100% | Endorsed only |
| Ray Ward | House | 83% | Endorsed only |
| Tracy Miller | House | 83% | Endorsed only |
| Paul Cutler | House | 83% | Endorsed only |
| Christine Watkins | House | 75% | Recipient — $500 UBS |
| Steve Eliason | House | 67% | Endorsed only |
| Karen Peterson | House | 67% | Endorsed only |
| Tom Peterson | House | 67% | Endorsed only |
| Doug Welton | House | 67% | Endorsed only |
| Norm Thurston | House | 60% | Endorsed only |
| Melissa Ballard | House | 50% | Endorsed only |
| Stewart Barlow | House | 50% | Endorsed only |
| Tyler Clancy | House | 50% | Endorsed only |
| Logan Monson | House | 50% | Recipient — $5,000 EFU |
| Dave Shallenberger | House | 50% | Recipient — $2,936 EFU |
| Jason Thompson | House | 50% | Endorsed only |
| Clint Okerlund | House | 50% | Endorsed only |
| Carl Albrecht | House | 40% | Endorsed only |
| Ariel Defay | House | 40% | Endorsed only |
| Mike Schultz | House | 40% | Recipient — $3,000 UBS |
| Stephen Whyte | House | 33% | Endorsed only |
| Rex Shipp | House | 33% | Endorsed only |
| Jefferson Moss | House | 20% | Recipient — $1,500+ UBS, likely EFU too |
| Walt Brooks | House | 20% | Endorsed only |
| Jake Sawyer | House | 20% | Recipient — $4,500 EFU+UBS |
| Lisa Shephard | House | 20% | Endorsed only |
| Stacy Bernal | Senate | — | No legislative record — claim doesn't apply |
| Linda Hanks | House | — | No legislative record — claim doesn't apply |
| Mike Bird | House | — | No legislative record — claim doesn't apply |
Jeff Stenquist and Rosemary Lesser are on EFU's slate but have no 2025 UEA score in the source scorecard (Stenquist: gap in the source, not investigated further; Lesser: not currently serving after her 2024 loss) — both omitted from the table above rather than guessed at.
One caveat worth stating plainly: UEA is itself an advocacy organization — a teachers' union — and "UEA's position" reflects its own policy views, not a neutral referee's. On the six bills tracked in 2025, UEA's positions happened to align closely with the Democratic caucus, who score almost uniformly near 100%. That's a real limitation of using this scorecard alone. But it doesn't change the internal comparison that matters here: among Republican incumbents endorsed by the same PAC, funded recipients still score meaningfully lower than endorsed-only ones — a pattern that isn't explained away by partisan lean, since every name in that comparison is the same party.
So what does predict it?
Not a pro-education voting record, and not committee membership alone — three sitting Senate Education Committee members (Fillmore, Hinkins, McKell) get zero dollars. Laying every factor found across this page side by side, actual money tracks a different, narrower set of things than the broad endorsement list does.
What predicts an endorsement
- Being on the ballot in a legislative or State Board of Education race
- No litmus test — genuinely bipartisan, includes sitting Democrats
- No measurable correlation with UEA voting score (highest and lowest scorers both appear)
- No measurable correlation with committee membership (some committee members endorsed, most aren't)
What predicts actual money
- Committee leadership, not just membership — Logan Monson is Vice Chair of House Health & Human Services; ordinary committee members get nothing
- Top institutional position — Speaker Mike Schultz
- A multi-year, repeat relationship — Jerry Stevenson (both entities, 2021-2022), Logan Monson (2023 and 2026), Jake Sawyer (both entities, multiple years)
- Proximity to a specific high-value policy fight — Dave Shallenberger (SB284/Stratos), Jefferson Moss (Privacy Governing Board predecessor)
- A genuinely competitive race — Jake Sawyer's HD9 seat also drew Meta's $98,942.90 same-day spend
Put plainly: one list is broad and costs nothing to extend across party lines; the money is narrow and goes to people who can move a bill, chair a vote, or decide a contested seat — regardless of how they've actually voted on the causes the PAC claims to care about. Is a broad endorsement list and a narrow, targeted set of checks two arms of the same strategy, or two different purposes sharing one name?
8. The Endorsement Slate
Education First Utah's own published "Candidates Receiving Support" page — its full current slate, per its own site.
Education First Utah's site was being updated on roughly a weekly basis with newsletter content — that pace appears to have stopped sometime in 2025. Mike Bird's entry on this slate lists him under House District 35, the race he ran in 2024; his current 2026 race is for Salt Lake County Council District 3. Worth keeping in mind when reading any other entry on this page as necessarily reflecting the live 2026 cycle.
Utah State Senate
Utah State Senate (7 names — 2 funded, 5 endorsed only)
| Name | District | Status |
|---|---|---|
| Derrin Owens | 27 | Recipient — $2,000 UBS |
| Lincoln Fillmore | 17 | Endorsed only |
| Michael McKell | 25 | Endorsed only |
| David Hinkins | 26 | Endorsed only |
| Stacy Bernal (candidate) | 3 | Endorsed only |
| Cal Musselman (candidate) | 4 | Endorsed only |
| Don Ipson | 29 | Recipient — $500 UBS |
Utah State House
Utah State House (30 names — 6 funded, 24 endorsed only)
| Name | District | Status |
|---|---|---|
| Melissa Ballard | 20 | Endorsed only |
| Paul Cutler | 18 | Endorsed only |
| Steve Eliason | 43 | Endorsed only |
| Carl Albrecht | 70 | Endorsed only |
| Stewart Barlow | 17 | Endorsed only |
| Jefferson Moss | 51 | Recipient — $1,500 UBS + likely $2,500 EFU |
| Jeff Stenquist | 46 | Endorsed only |
| Ray Ward | 19 | Endorsed only |
| Christine Watkins | 67 | Recipient — $500 UBS |
| Stephen Whyte | 63 | Endorsed only |
| Rosemary Lesser (D) | 10 | Endorsed only |
| Karen Peterson | 13 | Endorsed only |
| Tracy Miller | 45 | Endorsed only |
| Carol Spackman Moss (D) | 34 | Endorsed only |
| Speaker Mike Schultz | 12 | Recipient — $3,000 UBS |
| Walt Brooks | 75 | Endorsed only |
| Tyler Clancy | 60 | Endorsed only |
| Ariel Defay | 15 | Endorsed only |
| Linda Hanks (candidate) | 66 | Endorsed only |
| Logan Monson (candidate) | 69 | Recipient — $5,000 EFU |
| Tom Peterson | 1 | Endorsed only |
| Jake Sawyer (candidate) | 9 | Recipient — $4,500 EFU+UBS |
| Dave Shallenberger (candidate) | 58 | Recipient — $2,936 EFU |
| Lisa Shephard (candidate) | 61 | Endorsed only |
| Rex Shipp | 71 | Endorsed only |
| Jason Thompson (candidate) | 3 | Endorsed only |
| Norm Thurston | 62 | Endorsed only |
| Doug Welton | 65 | Endorsed only |
| Clint Okerlund (candidate) | 42 | Endorsed only |
| Mike Bird (candidate) | 35 | Endorsed only |
Utah State Board of Education
Utah State Board of Education (5 names — 0 funded, all endorsed only)
| Name | District | Status |
|---|---|---|
| Amanda Bollinger | 9 | Endorsed only |
| Carol Lear | 6 | Endorsed only |
| Matt Hymas | 10 | Endorsed only |
| Randy Boothe | 13 | Endorsed only |
| Molly Hart | 7 | Endorsed only |
Steve Eliason (HD-43) is the one name on this slate worth watching closely: he's the House Sponsor on both of Utah's Medicaid autism-coverage bills, SB241 (2022) and SB204 (2023) — the exact legislation that would explain why an ABA therapy company gives money to legislators in the first place. He hasn't shown up in either entity's direct contribution data pulled so far, but he's on the endorsement list.
9. Transaction Explorer
Every contribution found from both entities, 2021–2026 (none found before 2021 for either). Search by name, or filter by entity.
| Date | Entity | Recipient | Amount | Notes |
|---|
10. Worth Asking
- An "education advocacy" organization whose registered agent, filer, and Executive Committee President all work for a private prison company. Does that change how a reader should weigh its self-description as a bipartisan, consensus-driven education group?
- Two differently-branded giving entities sending an identical $2,500 to the same sitting MIDA Vice Chair, one week apart. Coincidence, or two channels used by the same small group of people to reach the same relationship without it showing up as one large check?
- Utah Behavior Services gave $3,000 to House Speaker Mike Schultz. Schultz separately personally funded Preserving Utah Values PAC with $120,000 — a PAC that ran attack ads against Democratic candidates Angela Choberka, Scott Stephenson, and Rosemary Lesser in 2024 and 2026. UBS's money didn't go to that PAC directly, but it did go to the person who bankrolled it. Does giving money to a legislative leader carry any responsibility for what that leader does with his own resources afterward — or is that too many steps removed to matter?
11. Research Status
Resolved since this page was first built:
- Mike Bird — confirmed the same person as the Salt Lake County Council District 3 candidate tracked elsewhere in this project. He ran for House District 35 (Murray) in 2024, the race listed on EFU's endorsement page; his current 2026 race is for county council. EFU's own site appears not to have been updated since sometime in 2025, which explains the outdated district listing.
Still being checked — not yet confirmed one way or the other:
- The 2024 Education First Utah contribution recorded as "Moss, James" — the endorsement slate names Jefferson Moss (HD-51) as a supported candidate, and Jefferson Moss separately received $1,500 from Utah Behavior Services in 2023, which points toward this being the same Jefferson Moss rather than James Moss Jr. — but the contribution record itself says "James," so this isn't fully closed.
- Whether "Bob Stevenson" ($7,500 from Education First Utah, 2026) is related to Sen. Jerry Stevenson — no confirmed family connection yet.
- Todd Weiler's two 2021 Utah Behavior Services payments ($829.80 and $1,410.10, same day) — non-round amounts that may indicate in-kind contributions rather than checks; not yet confirmed against the "I" (in-kind) field on the original filing.
12. The Parent Organization's Other PAC
While building this page, a records trail led to something bigger than a related organization: Education First Utah's own parent nonprofit — "Education First, A Utah Nonprofit Corporation" — also directly owns a second political giving vehicle, "Our Schools Now PAC." Same registered agent (Ammaron Wolfgramm), same 500 N Marketplace Drive address.
Our Schools Now was a real, high-profile 2018 Utah ballot campaign — also known as "Our Kids 1st" and "Utah Students for Question 1" — built to pass a citizen's ballot initiative raising taxes to fund Utah schools. Its own Articles of Incorporation state that purpose explicitly. It raised $2,029,434.54 in 2018 alone, with Gail Miller as its single largest donor at $250,000 — the same Gail Miller who chairs Education First Utah and tops CMV PAC's own donor list. Management & Training Corporation gave $101,046.32 directly. Its own officers — Scott Anderson (Chairman, Zions Bank), Robert Scott Marquardt (Secretary/Treasurer, MTC CEO), Nolan Karras, and Jesselie Anderson — are the identical four people who make up Education First Utah's Executive Committee.
Most tellingly: Our Schools Now's own official state filing lists "Education First" as its formally declared Affiliated Organization — not an inferred connection, a stated one, on the record with the Utah Lieutenant Governor's office.
The same parent entity behind a PAC that states on its own site it is "not advocating any tax increases" also directly owns a PAC built to pass one of the largest tax increases for education in recent Utah history. Full breakdown, funders, and officers on the dedicated case file.
Sources
- Utah Lieutenant Governor's Office, disclosures.utah.gov — full itemized individual-contribution downloads by year, 2021-2026, for both Education First Utah and Utah Behavior Services
- Utah Dept. of Commerce, Division of Corporations & Commercial Code — Business Name Registration/DBA Application, File #12427437 (Education First Utah), filed 8/9/2021
- educationfirstutah.org — "Leadership," "Candidates Receiving Education First Utah Support," and March 14, 2025 newsletter
- ZoomInfo — Michael Petrogeorge (VP & General Counsel, Management & Training Corporation), Ammaron Wolfgramm (Director, Treasury & Capital Management, MTC)
- Kerry Gibson lobbyist registration, Q4 2023 — Utah Behavior Services / Bridgeway Integrated Healthcare Services listed as clients
- Utah State Legislature, Senate Education Committee, House Education Committee, Senate Health & Human Services Committee, and House Health & Human Services Committee — 2026 rosters
- Utah Education Association, 2025 Legislative Voting Record Summary (Senate and House scorecards) and UEA-PAC Ballot Box (2026 candidate recommendations)
- Stacy Bernal — Forward Party candidate profile; Amazon author bio (See Stacy Speak LLC)
- Bob Stevenson — campaign site, "Meet Bob" and "Bob's Priorities"
- IRS Tax Exempt Organization Search, Candid/GuideStar nonprofit database, ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, and Utah Nonprofits Association member directory — all searched for "Education First Utah" / "Education First, A Utah Nonprofit Corporation," no match found in any
- This project's own case files: CMV PAC, Clyde Companies network, HD9/Jake Sawyer, Jerry Stevenson/MIDA network
