New here? Central Utah GOP House PAC is a political committee that has been moving money — mostly $1,000 checks — to Utah House and Senate Republicans since at least 2019. It shows up in this project because Sen. Brady Brammer (SD-21) is tied to it, but the PAC's own records reveal something more specific: it's registered two different ways with two different state offices, and the people listed in charge aren't the same on both filings.
1. What Is This PAC?
Central Utah GOP House PAC filed its Statement of Organization with the Lieutenant Governor's Office — the filing that actually governs a political committee's conduct under Utah election law — on November 26, 2018. Nearly two years later, on August 25, 2020, an entity by the same name was also registered with the Utah Division of Corporations as a domestic nonprofit corporation. Both filings share a mailing address: 642 Kirby Lane, Suite 105, Spanish Fork.
Total contributions received, by year
2. Two Filings, Two Different Rosters
This is the central fact about the PAC's structure: the people who show up as "in charge" depend entirely on which state filing you look at.
Nonprofit-Corp Registration
- Registered agent: Brady Brammer, via his own law-practice entity JBB ESQ LLC
- Director: Brady Brammer
- Director: Cory Maloy
- Director: Jon Hawkins
Actual PAC Officers
- Officer: Cory Maloy (Utah House)
- Officer: Bradley M. Daw (Utah House)
- Treasurer/CFO: Mike McKell (attorney)
- Brammer does not appear on this filing.
These are two legally separate documents for two different purposes: the nonprofit-corp filing exists under ordinary corporate law (who can sign a lease, be sued, and so on); the Statement of Organization is the document that actually controls the PAC's campaign-finance conduct under the Election Code. Nothing requires the two rosters to match, and here they mostly don't — Maloy is the only name on both.
The Treasurer tie is the sharper finding. Mike McKell — the PAC's actual Treasurer/CFO — is already documented elsewhere in this project as a $5,000 direct donor to Brammer's 2026 campaign, and as the Senate sponsor of both HB0392 and HB0366, two-thirds of the same 2026 judicial-power stack Brammer chief-sponsored the rest of. Him also personally controlling this PAC's money is a tighter, more concrete relationship than "co-sponsor and donor."
3. Payments to the PAC's Own Nonprofit-Corp Directors
Raw transaction records show that in a single December 2024 reporting batch, all three people listed as directors on the nonprofit-corp filing personally received $1,000 "Donations" payments from the PAC:
- Brady Brammer — 12/18/2024, "Committee to Elect Brammer"
- Cory Maloy — 12/18/2024, "Committee to Elect Maloy"
- Jon Hawkins — 12/30/2024, "Committee to Elect Jon Hawkins"
Given the PAC's actual controlling officers are Maloy, Daw, and McKell — not Brammer or Hawkins — the record shows the PAC's listed officers giving money to a broad slate of Republicans, a slate that includes all three people who also sit on the separate nonprofit-corp registration. It is also true that a PAC one of its own officers helps run paid money to two people (Brammer, Hawkins) who have no official role on the PAC's actual governing document, but do sit on a related corporation with the PAC's own address.
4. Transaction Explorer
Every transaction found in this PAC's records, 2019–2025. Search by name, or filter by year and type.
| Date | Type | Name | Amount | Purpose | Notes |
|---|
5. Where the Money Overlaps With Other Research
Several of this PAC's largest 2024 contributors are entities already independently documented elsewhere in this project. Click a column header to sort; click an accordion below for the full detail.
| Entity | Amount | Direction | Known Connection |
|---|---|---|---|
| Irish Elk LLC | $7,000 | Received | Kyle Palmer money-processing entity (NUPAC, Koford, Cullimore) |
| Lincoln Hill Partners | $5,000 | Given | Casey Hill / Election Hive network |
| Ivory Homes | $2,500 | Given | Already-documented statewide donor pattern |
| SEL Inc. | $1,500 | Given | Stan Lockhart political-giving network |
| Tosh | $1,500 | Given | Check City parent company, UCL PAC |
| Friends of Spencer Cox | $1,500 | Received | PAC money flowing TO the sitting Governor's campaign |
Irish Elk LLC — $7,000 across two payments
This is the same Kyle Palmer-linked money-processing entity already documented as handling funds for NUPAC, the Koford donor pipeline, and Sen. Kirk Cullimore's own campaign (a roughly $79,000 expenditure pattern there). Central Utah GOP House PAC paid it $5,000 on 12/13/2024 and $2,000 on 12/30/2024, both simply marked "Other." This is a genuinely new bridge between two previously separate research threads in this project.
Lincoln Hill Partners — $5,000 ("SEG Contribution")
Same Lincoln Hill network already documented in this project's Casey Hill/Derek Brown research, connecting to Election Hive's broader money-moving footprint across Utah campaigns.
Ivory Homes — $2,500
Ivory Homes has its own extensively documented donation history elsewhere in this project; this is one more entry in that pattern, not a new relationship on its own.
SEL Inc. — $1,500
Schweitzer Engineering Laboratories, tied to Stan Lockhart's already-documented political-giving network.
Tosh — $1,500
Check City's parent company — already flagged elsewhere in this project via its UCL PAC giving, though the underlying bill connections there don't clearly match Tosh's own business model.
Friends of Spencer Cox — $1,500 (money flowing out, not in)
Notable for direction: this is the PAC giving to the sitting Governor's own campaign, not receiving money from an ally — a reminder that this PAC is itself a political actor with its own giving pattern, not just a pass-through for others.
6. Worth Asking
This PAC's own directors received money from the PAC they help control — and one of them, Mike McKell, is simultaneously the Senate sponsor of bills this project has separately tracked as concentrating power in the courts. When the people directing a PAC's money and the people benefiting from it are the same small group, is that meaningfully different from a private company's board approving its own bonuses — or is it just how legislative leadership PACs normally work, regardless of party?
7. Research Status
- "Majority 51" received $16,922.84 on 12/13/2024 — RESOLVED: Majority 51, L.L.C., a Provo political consulting firm. An official Salt Lake County conflict-of-interest disclosure confirms co-owner Richard Jaussi is a sitting county official — worth its own closer look at what county position he holds and any overlap with his consulting clients.
- "Jared Dallin" received $5,250 on 12/18/2024, marked "Association Expense" — RESOLVED: a real, known Utah political consultant who ran campaigns for former Rep. Chris Herrod and ran himself in the 2023 special convention for Sen. Jake Anderegg's Senate seat. Consistent with a legitimate consulting payment.
- Thanksgiving Point Events received $16,476.72 on 4/29/2025, marked "Campaign Expense" — presumably a venue rental, but not confirmed.
- Does Irish Elk LLC or Kyle Palmer have any further role with this PAC beyond the two December 2024 payments?
- RAI Services Company (Reynolds American, a tobacco manufacturer) gave $2,500 in 2020 — worth weighing against any other tobacco-industry findings elsewhere in this project.
Sources
- Utah Lieutenant Governor's Office, disclosures.utah.gov — Central Utah GOP House PAC Statement of Organization and full itemized contribution/expenditure reports, 2019–2025
- Utah Division of Corporations — Central Utah GOP House PAC nonprofit-corp filing (#11914553-0140)
- Utah Division of Corporations — JBB ESQ, LLC (#9738533-0160) and BR FIRM LLP (#12990023-0250) entity filings
- brfirm.com — Brammer & Ranck, LLP firm site
- Cross-referenced from this project's existing research: Irish Elk LLC/Kyle Palmer network, Ivory Homes donor network, Stan Lockhart/SEL Inc. network, Casey Hill/Derek Brown/Lincoln Hill network, Val Peterson campaign finance file
