One New Tool, One New Secrecy Rule, and a Real Penalty for Hiding Money

How these pieces fit together

Think of it like a toolbox. The Community Reinvestment Agency Act (Utah Code Title 17C) is the toolbox itself — the law that says "here's how a city or county can borrow against future tax money to help pay for building something new." Everything else on this page is either a tool that lives inside that toolbox, or a separate tool from a different toolbox that gets used alongside it.

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graph TD
    subgraph box1 [" "]
      TITLE["THE TOOLBOX
Community Reinvestment Agency Act
Utah Code Title 17C"]:::toolbox
      CRA["CRA
the worker who
opens the toolbox
and uses the tools"]:::tool
      TIF["TIF
the money trick:
use tomorrow's extra
tax money to pay
for it today"]:::tool
      RSDZ["RSDZ
the newest, biggest tool
this bill just added
to the box"]:::tool
      TITLE --- CRA
      TITLE --- TIF
      TITLE --- RSDZ
    end
    PID["PID
a DIFFERENT toolbox
(Title 17D) —
related, but not
inside this one"]:::outside
    box1 -.->|"often used
alongside"| PID
    classDef toolbox fill:#16233d,stroke:#a9832f,stroke-width:2px,color:#faf5e8;
    classDef tool fill:#e9dfc4,stroke:#16233d,stroke-width:2px,color:#221f1a;
    classDef outside fill:#faf5e8,stroke:#8c2f22,stroke-width:2px,color:#221f1a;
      

In plain terms: a CRA is the local government body that actually opens the toolbox and does the work. TIF isn't a thing you can point to — it's the trick itself, the method of paying for something now using the extra tax money it's expected to generate later. The old tools this bill retires — HTRZ, FHIZ, HOPZ, convention center zones — were all different-shaped versions of that same trick, each built for a slightly different purpose. This bill's new RSDZ tool is a bigger, more flexible replacement, added right into the same toolbox. A PID is genuinely different — it comes from its own separate law (Title 17D) and works more like its own tiny mini-government with the power to charge its own tax, rather than being a project a CRA runs. The two often show up on the same project, standing next to each other, but they aren't the same tool.

What the bill does

H.B. 507 is a sweeping economic development and tax-increment financing bill that touches more than 60 sections of Utah Code. Its own official summary lists 20 separate "Highlighted Provisions" — this piece focuses on the ones with the most direct public impact.

The bill creates a brand-new tax-increment tool, the "Regionally Significant Development Zone" (RSDZ), managed through a new chapter of the Community Reinvestment Agency Act. It bans the creation of four existing tools — housing and transit reinvestment zones (HTRZ), first home investment zones (FHIZ), convention center reinvestment zones, and home ownership promotion zones (HOPZ) — after January 1, 2028, meaning RSDZ effectively replaces them going forward. It also creates a new statewide fund, the State Reinvestment Restricted Account, and directs money into it from several different sources.

The tools this bill replaces, and the pattern behind them

RSDZ isn't the first new zone tool Utah has created, and it likely won't be the last. The state has added a new TIF-style zone in nearly every legislative session since 2018:

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    classDef yr fill:#16233d,stroke:#a9832f,stroke-width:2px,color:#faf5e8;
    classDef harper fill:#8c2f22,stroke:#16233d,stroke-width:2px,color:#faf5e8;
    classDef other fill:#e9dfc4,stroke:#16233d,stroke-width:2px,color:#221f1a;
    A["2018
Transportation
Reinvestment Zone"]:::other --> B["2021
HTRZ
Sen. Harper"]:::harper
    B --> C["2024
FHIZ
Sen. Harper"]:::harper
    C --> D["2024
HOPZ
Sen. Fillmore"]:::other
    D --> E["2025
Convention Center
Reinvestment Zone"]:::other
    E --> F["2026
S.B. 39 consolidates
nearly all of them
Sen. Harper"]:::harper
    F --> G["2026
H.B. 507 creates RSDZ,
replaces four of them
Sen. Harper on conference cmte."]:::harper
      

Sen. Wayne A. Harper chief-sponsored two of the four tools this bill sunsets (HTRZ in 2021, FHIZ in 2024), sponsored the 2026 bill consolidating nearly all of them (S.B. 39), and personally served on H.B. 507's own conference committee — a hand in this system at three separate points over five years, on top of committee seats that sit directly on the same subject matter. In the same 2026 session, he also sponsored S.B. 206 and S.B. 197 — which rewrites the statute distributing statewide sales-tax growth to HTRZ, UFAIR, and the Point of the Mountain Authority, the same family of entities this bill's own GRAMA secrecy provision names — bringing his 2026-session tax/TIF sponsorship count alone to at least four bills. That fuller picture, including his full committee and board portfolio, is covered in its own profile in the Utah Senators repo.

A separate 2026 bill, S.B. 206, adds one more layer: it creates the Statewide Tax Administration and Technology Solutions (STATS) program, moving TIF and redevelopment-agency reporting from GOED to a new system administered by the Utah Association of Counties — yet another shift in who tracks this money, in the same session this bill and S.B. 39 both touched the same underlying set of tools.

The new reporting penalty — a real enforcement mechanism

The bill requires the Governor's Office of Economic Development to build and maintain a public-facing database of detailed financial information from every community reinvestment agency in the state — assessed value changes, funds received and spent, a project area map, and a narrative of how each project furthered its stated goals — due every June 30. GOED must also publish an annual list, by September 1, naming which agencies complied and which didn't. This reporting structure isn't new to this bill — it amends an existing section of code — and it applies to every currently active agency regardless of when it was created, meaning the first June 30 deadline after this bill's May 6, 2026 effective date gave agencies roughly seven weeks to comply.

The enforcement mechanism has two separate stages, not one. Missing a single year's report triggers an immediate response: GOED must refer that agency to the State Auditor for review and post a public notice on its own website naming the agency and describing the noncompliance. The bigger financial penalty is reserved for repeat noncompliance — if an agency fails to report for two consecutive years, GOED notifies the county auditor and treasurer by July 31 of the second year, and the county treasurer then withholds 20% of that agency's tax increment until it complies. That's a real financial penalty tied directly to transparency compliance — not just a naming-and-shaming list — but it only kicks in after a full two-year cycle of noncompliance, with the State Auditor referral acting as the first, faster check.

The new secrecy provision

The bill amends Utah's Government Records Access and Management Act (GRAMA) to create a new protected-record category: "confidential economic development information." This covers information a business provides to a government entity that's recruiting or negotiating with it to locate or expand in Utah, and it separately covers any nondisclosure agreement between a business and a government entity exploring an economic development deal — the NDA itself can be withheld from public records requests.

The bill also lets that protected information move freely between a specific list of government bodies — GOED, UIPA, MIDA, the Point of the Mountain State Land Authority, and the Utah Fairpark Area Investment and Restoration District, plus whichever county and municipality the project might be sited in — without any of those agencies needing to sign their own separate nondisclosure agreement first. A coordination clause with H.B. 475 adds the state's Economic Development Council to that same sharing list if both bills become law. The record stays protected no matter how many of those agencies see it, and the state risk manager must set a dollar limit on damages if one of them discloses it anyway.

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or signing an NDA with
a government entity"]:::source
    REC["CONFIDENTIAL ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT INFORMATION
a protected record — can be
withheld from GRAMA requests"]:::protected
    BIZ --> REC
    REC -->|"shared freely,
no new NDA needed"| GOED["GOED"]:::agency
    REC -.->|"shared freely"| UIPA["UIPA"]:::agency
    REC -.->|"shared freely"| MIDA["MIDA"]:::agency
    REC -.->|"shared freely"| POM["Point of the
Mountain State
Land Authority"]:::agency
    REC -.->|"shared freely"| UFAIR["UFAIR"]:::agency
    REC -.->|"shared freely"| LOCAL["The county/city
where the project
might be sited"]:::agency
    REC -.->|"if H.B. 475
also passes"| EDC["Economic
Development
Council"]:::conditional
      

Reading top to bottom: the protection attaches at the moment a business hands over information or signs an NDA — not at some later review stage. From there, it doesn't stay with just one agency. Any of the six bodies shown can receive that same protected record directly from any other, with no separate confidentiality agreement required each time it changes hands. A seventh, the state's Economic Development Council, joins that list only if H.B. 475 also becomes law — this bill's own coordination clause makes that connection conditional on a second bill's passage. Wherever the record travels among this group, it keeps its protected status; the only backstop is a dollar limit the state risk manager has to set for damages if one of these bodies discloses it improperly.

Large load data centers — a ban outside a zone, and a real pathway inside one

The bill doesn't set this threshold itself — it borrows two existing definitions from elsewhere in Utah Code, and a facility has to meet both to count. A "qualifying data center" (§59-12-102) must be a Utah facility built on or after July 1, 2016, housing networked server computers, totaling at least 150,000 square feet across one or more buildings. A "large load customer" (§54-26-101) is defined not by size but by its electricity request — a customer requesting a "large-scale service request" for cumulative electric demand expected to reach 100 megawatts or more within five years. Only a facility that clears both thresholds — a 150,000-square-foot-plus building drawing 100+ megawatts — counts as a "large load data center" under this bill. That's a scale limited to the largest hyperscale data center campuses, not a typical server farm.

Beginning May 6, 2027, political subdivisions are barred from offering financial incentives to a "large load data center" outside an RSDZ. But this isn't simply a ban with narrow exceptions. A "Regionally Significant Zone with Energy Implications" — a specific RSDZ subtype built for exactly this use — can capture up to 60% of property tax increment and divert up to 100% of personal property tax revenue generated within the zone. Of that diverted personal property tax revenue, the county or municipality that receives it may use up to 80% directly as an incentive to the data center. A county that adopts the bill's new County Energy Excise Tax can separately offer up to 80% of that tax's own revenue as an additional incentive. Any incentive agreement already in place before May 6, 2027 can continue under its existing terms, but can't be extended or increased.

In practice, this means the bill doesn't close the door on data center incentives — it routes them through a new, more structured approval process, run by a newly created "Increment Authorization Committee" (distinct from the standard RSDZ approval committee) with members including legislative appointees, the state treasurer's office, and the Governor's Office of Energy Development.

That 100% personal-property-tax diversion figure wasn't in the bill from the start: a line-by-line comparison between the 2nd and 4th substitutes shows the cap was raised from 80% to 100% before final passage — a late-stage loosening of exactly this mechanism.

One environmental standard that already exists elsewhere in UIPA's own law didn't carry over into this new pathway. Existing code bars UIPA from using property tax differential as a business incentive for any development that will consume more than 200,000 gallons of potable water per day. The new RSDZ chapter this bill creates has its own separate list of allowable zone-revenue uses, and that list doesn't include this water standard, or any equivalent one — meaning the incentive pathway built specifically for large data centers, the facility type most likely to draw exactly this kind of water concern, doesn't carry the one water-use safeguard the state's older incentive framework already has.

A live example: Meta's Eagle Mountain expansion

On September 14, 2026, Meta announced another expansion of its Eagle Mountain data center campus, clearing both of this bill's "large load data center" thresholds by a wide margin — 16 to 30 times the square-footage minimum, and about 17 times the megawatt threshold on the new energy addition alone. That makes it a real, current test case for this bill's data-center provisions, not a hypothetical one — including a question about timing covered in the next section.

The fuller Eagle Mountain story — the campus's full incentive history back to 2018, the water-confidentiality agreement with the city, QTS's adjacent campus, and an open question about whether Hemmert's lobbying firm represented both Meta and Eagle Mountain on a past incentive fight — is covered in its own case file in the Data-Centers repo.

A second live example: UIPA's own Tooele Valley project

UIPA's own Tooele Valley Project Area, on the Great Salt Lake's southern shore, is home to a 500-megawatt data center under development by Zenith Development. The live controversy is over water — the developer is seeking a permit to discharge up to 252,000 gallons a day of concentrated brine into wetlands feeding the Great Salt Lake, close to the 200,000-gallon-per-day threshold this bill's new RSDZ pathway doesn't carry forward. UIPA's own public statement distances the authority from the project; the developer has said otherwise on the record.

The fuller Tooele Valley story — the UIPA-vs-developer contradiction in full, the public hearing, and the wetlands permit fight — is covered in its own case file in the UIPA repo.

The timing question: who does the delay actually favor?

H.B. 507 took effect May 6, 2026. Its ban on large-load-data-center incentives outside an RSDZ doesn't start until May 6, 2027 — a full year later. Meta's expansion was announced September 14, 2026, squarely inside that gap.

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graph LR
    classDef date fill:#e9dfc4,stroke:#16233d,stroke-width:2px,color:#221f1a;
    classDef window fill:#8c2f22,stroke:#16233d,stroke-width:2px,color:#faf5e8;
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H.B. 507
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still fully apply,
no RSDZ needed"]:::window
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Meta announces
Eagle Mountain
expansion"]:::event
    W --> B["May 6, 2027
Incentive ban
outside RSDZ
finally starts"]:::date
    M -.->|"any deal signed
before this date is
grandfathered forever"| B
      

Reading this plainly: on the specific question of timing, the 2026 session's changes appear to favor a large operator more than they constrain one. A full year of unrestricted flexibility, a grandfather clause that locks in whatever gets signed during it, and a formal pathway afterward that got more generous while the bill was being written rather than less — all of that is confirmed directly from the bill's own dates and provisions. Whether Eagle Mountain or Utah County has actually used any of this for Meta's specific expansion is not established; what's established is that the law's own structure makes doing so both legal and, if timed before May 2027, permanently insulated from the accountability system the same bill created.

Money into the new account — UIPA's cut, and a 50% profit share for remediation land

The Utah Inland Port Authority must now contribute 1% to 5% of tax differential revenue (as the UIPA board determines) from any new project area adopted on or after September 30, 2026 into the State Reinvestment Restricted Account. Counties and municipalities participating in project areas adopted before that date can voluntarily designate up to 5% as well.

The statute doesn't say how the board is supposed to land anywhere in that range. The entire operative text is "as determined by the board" — no formula, no listed factors, no requirement to publish a rationale for the specific percentage chosen, no minimum public notice tied to this decision specifically. A 1% contribution and a 5% contribution are both equally compliant with the law; whichever the board picks, project by project, is entirely its own call, governed by nothing more than the ordinary open-meetings-law transparency that applies to any board resolution.

The bill also creates a new "revenue sharing agreement" mechanism: when a private developer's project is supported by UIPA funding, UIPA staff can negotiate a deal for the developer to contribute a flat amount or percentage of the project's proceeds to the reinvestment account. That negotiation was mandatory in the bill as introduced — UIPA staff "shall negotiate and enter into" such an agreement — but the language was weakened during the legislative process to "may negotiate," making it discretionary rather than required in the version that passed. For land UIPA remediates and then sees redeveloped by private parties, the bill still requires UIPA to capture a share of the resulting profits for the account — up to 50% of annual revenue from that remediation project area, as set by the UIPA board in consultation with the Legislative Fiscal Analyst.

Public infrastructure district changes

The bill modifies several PID governance provisions. It changes how property can be annexed into or withdrawn from an existing PID, tightening the process to require both a board resolution and a 100%-surface-owner-consent petition. It creates, for the first time, a formal dissolution process: a PID's board must adopt a dissolution resolution once the district has paid all its debts, satisfied its contractual obligations, and transferred all completed infrastructure to the entity responsible for maintaining it — the board has 30 days to act once those conditions are met. Any remaining assets go first to property owners within the district, if there's an identifiable connection between the assets and a financial burden those owners bore, and otherwise to the entity that took over the infrastructure. And the bill now requires that any increase to a PID's property tax levy rate limit — beyond what the original governing document allows — get the consent of 100% of surface property owners within the district, a real check on quietly raising the ceiling later.

The new County Energy Excise Tax

The bill lets a county levy a new excise tax on energy sold to a large-load customer or qualifying data center located on unincorporated land. Broken down into its parts:

What got dropped along the way

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    A["Introduced
Feb 6"]:::stage --> B["Substitute 1
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    B --> C["Substitute 2
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    C --> D["Substitute 3
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    D --> E["Substitute 4
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    C -.->|"COI safeguard added,
later removed"| X1["Cut before
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    D -.->|"UIPA energy tax +
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    A -.->|"SHALL weakened
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Reading left to right: the bill moved through four substitutes between its introduction on February 6 and final passage in conference committee on March 6. The dotted lines show provisions that existed at some point in that process but didn't survive to the end. A conflict-of-interest safeguard was written into the 2nd substitute, on the House floor, and then removed before the bill reached final passage — it never became law. The Senate's own 3rd substitute went further, adding real new taxing power for the Utah Inland Port Authority (a standalone energy tax and an elevated bond rate) — and that, too, was cut when the House and Senate reconciled their versions in conference committee. Separately, the requirement that UIPA staff negotiate revenue-sharing agreements with developers was weakened from mandatory ("shall") to optional ("may") somewhere between the introduced bill and the final version — a change that runs the entire length of the process rather than happening at any one identifiable stage.

The Senate's own version of the bill (the 3rd substitute) briefly gave the Utah Inland Port Authority real new taxing power that the final conference committee version took back out. That Senate-passed text created a new provision letting a UIPA "subsidiary district" issue bonds for advanced manufacturing or energy development projects at an elevated property tax rate — up to .02 per dollar of taxable value, above the standard .015 cap that applies to public infrastructure districts generally. In the same section, it let a UIPA infrastructure district levy its own energy tax of up to 4% on the value of energy generated within the district, and use that revenue directly to secure bonds. Both provisions — the elevated bond-rate authority and the standalone 4% energy tax — were removed before final passage.

The most significant thing cut wasn't in the original introduced bill either — it was added in the 2nd substitute and then removed before final passage. That substitute barred a regional economic development authority (UIPA, MIDA, and similar bodies) from acting as the paid consultant reviewing a zone proposal if that same authority was "directly financially impacted by the proposal" — a real conflict-of-interest safeguard, written into the bill and then struck out before it reached the floor.

The working group tasked with setting real limits

The bill requires the Political Subdivisions Interim Committee to convene a working group by May 30, 2026, and report recommendations back by November 1, 2026, specifically on capping the maximum percentage or dollar amount of tax increment financing tools can use. Its membership is set by statute: three sitting legislators (at least one senator), plus one representative each from the Utah League of Cities and Towns, the Utah Association of Counties, school districts generally, and the State Tax Commission. In other words, the same 2026 session that built this expanded TIF framework also ordered up, in the same bill, the first real study of whether it's grown too large.

The committee that will now oversee it

The Political Subdivisions Interim Committee — the body this bill's working group answers to, and the body that now receives every zone's biennial report — is co-chaired by Sen. Don L. Ipson and Rep. James A. Dunnigan. Its 2026 membership includes Sen. Nate Blouin, Sen. Wayne A. Harper, Sen. Calvin R. Musselman, Sen. Chris H. Wilson, Rep. Matthew H. Gwynn, Rep. Leah Hansen, Rep. Jill Koford, Rep. Trevor Lee, Rep. Verona Mauga, Rep. Tracy J. Miller, Rep. Val L. Peterson, and Rep. Jordan D. Teuscher.

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graph TD
    classDef bill fill:#e9dfc4,stroke:#8c2f22,stroke-width:2px,color:#221f1a;
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    RF["RuthAnne Oakey-Frost
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    HB -->|"working group and
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    PSC -->|"member"| Hansen["Rep. Leah Hansen
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    PSC -->|"member"| Peterson["Rep. Val L. Peterson
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    PSC -->|"member"| Harper["Sen. Wayne A. Harper
H.B. 507 conference committee"]:::person
      

Reading top to bottom: H.B. 507 was drafted by RuthAnne Oakey-Frost, who also serves as the Political Subdivisions Interim Committee's own staff counsel — the same person who wrote the bill now works for the committee that will oversee the working group and biennial zone reports the bill itself created. Three sitting committee members have their own direct stake in how that oversight plays out: Rep. Hansen voted against this specific bill three separate times, Rep. Peterson sponsored this tracker's other 2026 economic-development-oversight bill, and Sen. Harper personally sat on H.B. 507's own conference committee before it passed.

Three overlaps are worth naming directly. RuthAnne Oakey-Frost is both H.B. 507's own drafting attorney and the Political Subdivisions Interim Committee's Senior Associate General Counsel — the same lawyer who wrote the bill works for the committee that now oversees the working group it created. Rep. Hansen, the bill's most consistent opponent, sits on the committee that will review its own working group's recommendations. And Rep. Val L. Peterson, chief sponsor of H.B. 545 — this tracker's other 2026 economic-development-oversight bill — sits on the same committee. Sen. Wayne A. Harper, who served on H.B. 507's own conference committee, is also a sitting member.

Full vote record

Rep. Leah Hansen was the sole Nay at all three of this bill's recorded House votes — the committee substitute, the committee favorable recommendation, and the final conference passage — the same lone dissenting pattern she showed on several other unrelated bills this session. On the Senate side, the sole Nay on final passage was Sen. Brady Brammer, notable because Brammer was also the Senate sponsor of H.B. 17, this same tracker's Public Infrastructure District Meeting Amendments bill — someone with direct PID-policy sponsorship history voting alone against this bill's PID provisions.

See it as a chart

Design vs. demonstrated: has any of this actually been shown to work?

Every grade below this point describes what the bill's mechanisms are designed to do. None of it describes what's actually been confirmed to happen. As of this piece's last update, a search for real-world evidence found nothing confirming that any of these mechanisms — the good ones or the bad ones — have actually operated yet.

Two things fall out of this. First, the mechanisms with real teeth on paper — the withholding penalty, UIPA's contribution rate — literally could not have been tested yet, through no fault of anyone; the clock hasn't run out. Second, and more pointedly: the database, the reporting deadline, the State Auditor referral trigger, and the new secrecy classification could all already be in use right now, and there is no public confirmation either way. A transparency mechanism nobody can confirm is operating provides the public with exactly the same benefit as one that doesn't exist — none, until proven otherwise.

Graded by the collective rubric

Two grades per row: what the mechanism is designed to do on paper, and what can actually be verified as working today. Where nothing can be confirmed, the demonstrated grade reflects that absence directly rather than assuming the design succeeded.

Common questions

Does this bill make PID and TIF financing more or less transparent overall?

Both, in different places. The new GOED public database and its 20%-withholding penalty for non-compliant agencies is a genuine transparency increase. The new protected-records classification for economic development records, including NDAs, is a genuine transparency decrease. This bill isn't a clean story in either direction.

Does the data center incentive ban actually stop incentives to data centers?

Not entirely. It bans most political subdivisions from offering incentives starting May 6, 2027, but carves out exceptions for RSDZ-funded incentives, regional development authority incentives tied to an RSDZ, and up to 80% of a new optional county or municipal energy tax's revenue.

Does this affect existing PIDs already in place?

The new 100%-consent requirement for raising a tax rate ceiling, and the tightened annexation/withdrawal process, apply going forward to any PID governed by this part of the code — not just newly created ones.

How does this connect to H.B. 545 and the GOED audit?

H.B. 507's chief sponsor, Rep. Calvin Roberts, is also the chief sponsor of H.B. 475, the bill that renamed GOEO to GOED — and this bill explicitly coordinates with H.B. 475. It passed the same 2026 session as H.B. 545 and the release of OLAG Report 2026-18, all three touching different pieces of the same underlying question: how well the state tracks its own economic development spending.

Questions worth asking

• Ask GOED: did agencies actually meet the June 30, 2026 reporting deadline, given the law only took effect seven weeks earlier — and if any missed it, have those agencies already been referred to the State Auditor?
• Ask UIPA: what percentage, within the 1-5% range, has the board set for its own contribution to the State Reinvestment Restricted Account for new project areas?
• Ask GOED, UIPA, MIDA, the Point of the Mountain State Land Authority, or the Utah Fairpark Area Investment and Restoration District: how many records have been classified as "confidential economic development information" since May 6, 2026, and how many nondisclosure agreements have been shared among them under this provision?
• Ask the Government Records Office: did GRAMA's "balancing test" survive S.B. 277's final version, and if so, has it ever been applied to a record classified as "confidential economic development information"?
• Ask Rep. Roberts or the House Economic Development and Workforce Services Committee: what happened to the "major sporting event venue zone" provisions present in the bill as introduced — moved to a separate bill, or dropped entirely?
• Ask Rep. Roberts or the bill's conference committee: why was the 2nd substitute's conflict-of-interest safeguard — barring a financially-impacted regional economic development authority from acting as a proposal's paid consultant — removed before final passage?
• Ask the Senate sponsors or the conference committee: why did the final version strip out the Senate-passed provisions letting a UIPA subsidiary district levy its own energy tax and issue bonds at an elevated property tax rate for energy-related projects?
• Ask Sen. Brady Brammer: what specifically drove his lone Nay vote on final passage, given his own sponsorship of H.B. 17's PID meeting-location reforms the same session?
• Ask a Political Subdivisions Interim Committee member: did the working group convene by its May 30, 2026 deadline, and what did it recommend on TIF caps by November 1?
• Ask Rep. Hansen or Rep. Peterson: does either see a conflict in sitting on the committee that will now oversee a working group created by a bill Hansen voted against three times and Peterson's own H.B. 545 relates to?
• Ask the Governor's Office of Economic Development or the Office of Legislative Research and General Counsel: are the State Reinvestment Restricted Accounts created by H.B. 507 and S.B. 254 the same account, or two separate accounts sharing a name?
• Ask Rep. Roberts or Sen. Cullimore: what specifically did the House and Senate disagree on before conference committee, and what changed in the 4th substitute to resolve it?
• Ask the Legislative Fiscal Analyst's office: what does the $176,200/$173,700 funding line tied to this bill's title actually fund, given the bill's own Long Title states no money is appropriated in it?

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