Exempts school trust land, and any developer leasing or permitting it, from all county and municipal zoning. SITLA's own counsel on record: “counties have no legal basis for asserting a zoning preference.” Applies statewide.

Total, structural removal of local zoning power with no public process attached.

Lets a developer with ≤ 3 landowners self-incorporate private land as a town, bypassing county zoning entirely. 2/year cap, sunsets 2031. Produced 4 Wasatch/Summit applications in 2026 alone; residents outside the boundary get no vote.

Removes county land-use authority statewide with minimal public standing built in.

Would have stopped new S.B. 258 preliminary-municipality applications after Feb. 15, 2025. House Judiciary Committee passed the first substitute 8-1 (Utah Home Builders Association spoke against); House passed it 53-19. On the session’s last day the Senate Rules Committee released it, a Winterton fourth substitute (a pause only until April 1, 2026) was filed, and its enacting clause was struck on the floor.

Graded on the House-passed version: it would have restored a public check on developer-led incorporations that bypass county zoning. Often cited as “59-19”; the roll call is 53-19.

Would have created a governor-adjacent super-authority able to designate project areas statewide, capture up to 75% of taxes in them, and form PIDs on top.

Would have been the single largest power concentration in this set. Passed two Senate committees (Economic Development and Workforce Services 3-2, Revenue and Taxation 3-2-1) with extensive testimony before running out of session time without ever getting a Senate floor vote.

Narrows the “public welfare” standard a state engineer can use to deny a water application — removes the grounds used to protest Speaker Schultz's own applications. Shallenberger and Stratton are also the sponsor pair on H.B. 439.

Direct, statewide removal of public standing to challenge water use. Veracity Enterprises LLC, whose registered agent is Stratton Law Group PLLC (members: Keven J Stratton Jr, Keven John Stratton Sr., Scott Owen Stratton), describes itself publicly as a political consulting firm. Its disclosed contributions (3/21/2024–10/29/2025, ~$32,861 total) went to the Utah Republican Party and Prosperous Utah Communities PAC, whose director David Herring shares Veracity's business address. No contribution to Sen. Stratton or Rep. Ken Ivory appears in that record; 2026 filings aren't due yet.

Absorbed a dead land-use bill across substitutes; creates a water-exaction “kill switch” not enforceable until Jan. 1, 2028.

Real accountability language on paper, undercut by an ~18-month enforcement gap and a scope-creep drafting pattern.

The Senate-passed version created the Severance Mitigation Projects Fund, directing above-trend oil and gas severance tax revenue to loans and grants for counties and cities economically affected by oil and gas extraction. At the Senate Revenue and Taxation Committee hearing where this version was substituted in (1/25/23), the Nine Mile Canyon Coalition, the Utah Chapter of the Sierra Club, the Center for Biological Diversity, and the Western Wildlife Conservancy all spoke against the bill; the committee passed it favorably 5-0-3 anyway. The House Revenue and Taxation Committee later took up the same fund-intact version (2/27/23), with Sen. Winterton presenting alongside Utah Petroleum Association President Rikki Hrenko-Browning; the Nine Mile Canyon Coalition's chair spoke again but took no recorded position this time. That committee passed it favorably 8-4-1 (Nays: Briscoe, Eliason, Owens, Snider). A House floor substitute then removed the mitigation fund entirely and redirected the same revenue — up to $20 million a year, capped at $88.5 million total — into the statewide Transportation Investment Fund instead. The House passed this version 54-14-7; the Senate concurred 19-7-3. Every recorded Nay in both chambers' final passage vote came from a Democrat; every Republican present in both chambers voted yes. Winterton, the bill's sponsor throughout, voted yes at every recorded stage, including the final Senate concurrence.

The severance tax itself is unchanged — oil and gas companies pay the same rate either way. The Senate-passed version gave extraction-impacted counties and cities a real application path to the above-trend revenue, through the Permanent Community Impact Fund Board. The House swap didn't just redirect the money — it removed that path entirely: the enacted version gives local governments no access point to this revenue at all, folding it into the state's general highway budget instead. The fund the Senate had built specifically for extraction-affected communities was never enacted, and the enrolled law only amends the tax's disposition statute, not the section that would have created it. §59-5-115 was amended again in 2026 by S.B. 254 (Extracted Natural Resources Amendments — see the "Not Water, Land, or Property" section below), which added unrelated exception references to the same section but left the $88.5 million Transportation Investment Fund cap untouched. Full case file: weber-hive-sb107.html.

Preempts counties from setting their own oil/gas mitigation fees — permanently — and replaces them with a smaller, time-limited state tax. Duchesne County had spent over a year negotiating its own road-impact fee on drilling (Ordinance #24-409) before this bill passed; at a Nov. 18, 2024 county hearing on that ordinance, Sen. Winterton's wife told commissioners her husband "is working on bills" that would make the county's own fee unnecessary. A provision that would have let the county-fee ban expire in 2030 was dropped in Senate committee before the bill reached a floor vote, and the gas tax rate was cut 75% (1¢/MCF to 1/4¢/MCF) in that same committee substitute — passed unanimously at every recorded stage with no public testimony anywhere in the bill's path.

Clean statewide preemption of a local revenue tool — but the ban on the county's own fee has no expiration date, while the state tax meant to replace it does. Same sponsor and subject area as S.B. 107 (2023) — two sessions running, Winterton has carried the bill that decides where Basin oil-and-gas revenue goes. Full case file: weber-hive-sb207.html.

Amends the incorporation statute S.B. 258 depends on; ties transportation funding to housing-compliance reporting.

Real fiscal lever over local governments, but the headline population-threshold change turned out to be cosmetic — a separate clause kept the real floor unchanged.

New ethics exemption for officials on affordable-housing matters; an $18M loan originally labeled for prison infrastructure was relabeled with no disclosure.

Real housing investment, but the relabeled loan and ethics carve-out are undisclosed financial-accountability problems.

On July 1, 2027, unincorporated islands of 55 acres or less in second-class counties (Davis, Utah, Weber), completely surrounded by one city, are automatically annexed with no resident vote; in counties under 600,000 the county commission decides exemptions by May 1, 2027. The Senate committee substitute also struck the requirement that the county auditor pre-approve or review all payments before a council-manager county can hand accounting to its manager. Presented with Weber County Commissioner Gage Froerer and Ivory Development’s president; Weber County’s economic development director spoke in favor in both chambers. Votes: House 62-2, Senate 25-1 (last day, suspension of rules), House concurrence 61-6.

No opposition testimony recorded at either hearing. Full case file: weber-hive-hb457.html.

Repeals the requirement that a majority of a county’s voters approve an optional-plan amendment switching the county executive or legislative body between full-time and part-time; a two-thirds vote of the county legislative body now suffices. Also lets counties of 225,000 or more have a full-time expanded county commission. Votes: Senate 27-0 on the first day of session (suspension of rules); House committee 8-0 with no public testimony; House 51-20.

Removes a public vote with nothing in its place.

Would have moved executive power from appointed county managers to elected councils in council-manager counties, barred delegating elected officers’ powers to managers, and limited manager contracts (at-will, no auto-renewal, no terms over four years, no severance). At its Feb. 11 hearing, three Summit County officials, a Tooele County council member and the Utah Association of Counties spoke against; Utah County Commissioner Amelia Powers Gardner and others spoke for. Winterton moved to hold his own bill, 6-0.

Public hearing held and affected counties spoke. Graded C: it would have added elected control over appointed managers, but by overriding the form of government counties chose for themselves, over their objection.

Concurrent resolution (not law) urging the Division of Oil, Gas, and Mining to negotiate an agreement letting the state take “the lead on the technical review of an Application for Permit to Drill” on BLM land, while the BLM keeps final authority.

A statement of position with no change to law, adopted openly; it keeps the BLM’s final authority. Graded C.

$5M in DNR water-litigation funding was stripped from H.B. 157, reinserted into H.B. 125 (introduced as unrelated “Aquatic Invasive Species Amendments”), then stripped again six hours later. Senate committee (3/3/26) adopted a substitute and passed it 4-0-3, with the Division of Law Enforcement (DNR), the Utah Sportsmen's Caucus, and the Utah Association of Conservation Districts all testifying in favor.

Clean example of public litigation funding erased through procedural maneuvering.

Raised the grocery sales tax from 1.75% to 4.85%, packaged with an income-tax cut. Passed without a two-thirds majority; a 152,000-signature referendum drive followed.

Regressive tax hike passed in a way specifically vulnerable to, then mooted, direct democracy.

Repealed S.B. 2001 in its entirety, introduced the second day of the next session specifically to kill the referendum.

Good for the public on substance, but the mechanism itself was designed to short-circuit a citizen referendum already in motion.

Carved water rights and the State Engineer out of the new Commissioner's authority; added a GRAMA exemption shielding water-rights records.

Named sponsor benefit, new secrecy exemption, framed opposite its own stated purpose.

Introduced as “Wetlands Protection Modifications”; retitled “Wetlands Study Amendments” by the final substitute. As introduced, directed a statewide wetlands study including a five-year wetland-acreage-change baseline, impacts on recreation and aquatic species, and recommendations to improve wetland health and mitigate wetland loss, plus a separate required study on an in-lieu fee program for wetland mitigation (consulting DEQ, the Army Corps of Engineers, Fish and Wildlife Service, and EPA). The final version narrows the study to counties of the first or second class only, drops the acreage-change baseline, the aquatic-species and recreational-loss provisions, and the improve/mitigate language, and removes the in-lieu fee program study entirely.

Title softened from “Protection” to “Study,” geographic scope narrowed to exclude rural counties, and the one provision that could have led to a real wetland-mitigation funding mechanism — the in-lieu fee program study — was removed entirely between introduction and passage.

Creates an “aggregate compliance fee” the Division of Air Quality MAY impose on aggregate (rock/sand/gravel) operations based on emissions, capped by statute ($750–$4,500 depending on emissions) for one year (7/1/27–6/30/28), then set by Air Quality Board rule with no statutory cap after July 2028. Requires fugitive dust facilities to post public signage listing the facility name, permit and business ID numbers, and contact information for both the facility and the division. As introduced, the bill required every fugitive dust facility to operate under an approved dust control plan, made the compliance fee mandatory (“there is imposed” rather than “may impose”), and created a full noncompliance enforcement mechanism — written notice of noncompliance, required corrective action reports and monitoring logs, and up to three inspections a week for six weeks at a noncompliant facility (with reduced inspections for facilities with a clean three-year record). The final substitute removed the mandatory dust-control-plan requirement, the entire noncompliance enforcement mechanism, and changed the fee from mandatory to discretionary.

The public-signage requirement is a real, concrete transparency gain, but it's nearly all that survived. The requirement that a facility even have an approved dust-control plan before operating was removed entirely, the full noncompliance enforcement mechanism (notice, corrective action reports, monitoring logs, increased inspections) was removed entirely, and the compliance fee itself was weakened from mandatory to discretionary between introduction and passage. House floor Nays: Rep. Scott Chew and Rep. L. Hansen — Hansen's third dissenting vote on a water/environmental bill this session, after H.B. 410 and H.B. 349.

Retitled from “Critical Minerals Amendments” to “Extracted Natural Resources Amendments.” Creates a statewide critical-minerals development framework: an 11-member Critical Minerals Council (state agency directors, governor appointees, a mining-industry-association president, two at-large members) with authority to designate “critical minerals zones” where counties and municipalities may not offer development incentives outside the zone system. Zones use a property-tax-differential (tax-increment) mechanism — the same structure already documented across PIDs, CRAs, and HTRZs elsewhere in this project — splitting growth revenue between a new Critical Minerals Development Account and local taxing entities. Creates fast-track, parallel permitting between DEQ and the Division of Oil, Gas, and Mining for critical-minerals projects. Creates the State Reinvestment Restricted Account, diverting severance tax revenue above set thresholds toward income tax relief, water infrastructure, Great Salt Lake preservation, transit, energy development, and critical minerals development. Appropriates roughly $25.8M combined across FY2026-27. Between introduction and final passage, the mining-exploration tax credit's caps were reduced — the per-mine aggregate cap fell from $20M to $10M (elevated cap for import-reliant minerals: $30M to $15M), and the maximum years a claimant may receive the credit fell from 20 to 10. The severance-tax-revenue transfer originally targeted for a critical-minerals-only development account was redirected to the broader, multi-purpose State Reinvestment Restricted Account instead, and the mining-industry council seat was narrowed from “a representative” to specifically “the president” of the mining association. This bill's own coordination clause references a separate “H.B. 373, Higher Education Innovation” (2026) — a different bill from the H.B. 373 (2024) Air Quality Policy Advisory Board repeal tracked elsewhere in this document, despite sharing a bill number.

Real stated objectives (workforce development, minerals security, Great Salt Lake and water infrastructure funding) delivered through a now-familiar structure: a new appointed council with zone-designation and tax-increment authority, local governments barred from offering incentives outside the state-controlled zone system, and a large new restricted account funded by diverted tax revenue — the same accountability pattern already documented across this project's PID/CRA/TIF cases. Every recorded vote through the House floor (Senate committee, Senate floor, House committee, House floor) happened under the bill's original “Critical Minerals Amendments” title — the retitle to “Extracted Natural Resources Amendments” and the substantive changes (reduced tax-credit caps, the funding redirect) happened the SAME DAY as the House floor vote, sometime between 10:46am and 8:09pm on 3/5/26. The House floor vote (60-12-3) is by far the most contested recorded on this bill — Nays: Arthur, Dailey-Provost, Dominguez, L. Hansen, Hayes, Hollins, Matthews, G. Miller, Moss, Nguyen, D. Owens, Romero. Rep. L. Hansen's Nay here is her FOURTH dissenting vote on a water/land/resource bill this session, after H.B. 410, H.B. 349, and H.B. 378. Sen. Nate Blouin cast the Senate's own lone dissent on both committee (4-1-2) and floor (28-1-0).

Instructional-tech standard weakened to let general-purpose tools (Google Gemini) qualify.

Otherwise a genuine guardrails bill (AI standards, screen-time limits); this one standard was weakened toward a named vendor's benefit.

Requires PID board meetings to be held within the district's own boundaries, with exceptions. As introduced, one of those exceptions let a board hold an unlimited-topic “retreat” once a year outside the district (with public notice, but no final action or votes other than to adjourn). A House floor amendment struck that entire retreat exception and replaced it with a narrower one: meetings may be held outside the district if the location is within the boundaries of the entity that created the PID. The enrolled (final, signed) bill text contains only the “creating entity” exception, plus the no-adequate-location and emergency-circumstances exceptions — the retreat exception is not present in the version that became law.

The retreat exception it replaced was narrow: once a year, planning/education only, no final action or votes allowed. What replaced it has no frequency limit, no purpose restriction, and no ban on votes or final action — a board may now meet anywhere within the boundaries of the entity that created the PID, which is typically a much larger city or county. For any PID whose creating entity is a whole county, the requirement that meetings happen “within the boundaries of the public infrastructure district” is functionally hollowed out. Beyond the loophole itself, the section contains no enforcement mechanism at all: no penalty for noncompliance, no requirement to disclose which exception a board relied on, and no reporting or audit function tied specifically to meeting location — the only reporting requirement in the section is the pre-existing general annual report to the creating entity, which wouldn't surface a violation. A requirement nobody has to disclose compliance with, and nothing enforces, isn't a functioning transparency rule. Full vote record: House committee 11-0-1, House floor 70-0-5 (1/23/26), Senate committee 5-0-3 (1/30/26), Senate 2nd reading 24-0-5 (2/5/26), Senate 3rd reading 26-0-3 (2/6/26) — zero recorded opposition at any stage, consistent with a change that reads as reasonable on its face and was never scrutinized on the floor.

Would have required real PID-trustee conflict disclosure plus Utah's first PID dissolution procedure.

Real accountability gain. Passed the House floor 66-1-8 and a Senate committee 5-0-2 before being killed via enacting-clause strike without a Senate floor vote.

A constitutional amendment (Utah Constitution Article XIII, Section 3) that would have authorized the Legislature to exempt up to 60% of the fair market value of residential property from property tax, up from the current 45% cap. Would have required direct voter approval at the next general election, with a contingent effective date of January 1, 2027 if approved.

A real homeowner property-tax relief measure that, unlike most mechanisms in this tracker, would have required a direct public vote before taking effect — a higher transparency/accountability bar than typical legislation. As a constitutional amendment, it also needed a two-thirds vote in EACH chamber to reach voters at all, a far higher bar than ordinary legislation's simple majority. No analysis found of how a larger residential exemption would shift tax burden onto renters, commercial property, or local government revenue. Seen even less than most bills in this cluster: assigned to House Revenue and Taxation Committee 1/30/26, sat there over a month with no recorded vote, then was simply 'recommended returned to Rules' 3/2/26 — no committee vote tally appears anywhere in the bill's status record, unlike H.B. 422's real 5-0-2. It was killed via the same 11:59pm mechanism 3/6/26, Koford's second bill hit that same night, without ever getting a recorded committee vote, let alone the floor supermajority it needed.

Creates a nonbinding process for the Board of Water Resources to recommend state funding for new dam/reservoir construction or capacity increases to sedimentation-affected reservoirs, with evaluation criteria and an annual report to the Natural Resources, Agriculture, and Environmental Quality Appropriations Subcommittee. As introduced, the bill instead authorized actual loans from the existing Water Infrastructure Restricted Account for these same projects, with defined repayment terms, required data verification, independent review of construction and repayment plans, regular updates to the Legislative Management Committee, and annual reporting to the Legislative Water Development Commission on loans issued and project progress. The first substitute removed the loan-authorization mechanism and all of its repayment/verification/review provisions, leaving only the nonbinding recommendation process — the “recommendations are nonbinding” clause was added at the same time the loan authority was removed.

The nonbinding recommendation process in the final substitute is a real but modest structure on its own terms. The version as introduced would have created an actual state loan program for water storage with real repayment and independent-verification requirements — that entire mechanism was removed before the bill ever reached a floor vote in either form. Content graded on the substitute, since that's the version that would have become law; the real-world outcome is N/A since neither version passed. Seen extensively before dying: House committee 11-0-3 (2/2/26) — Utah Rivers Council (Zachary Frankel) testified in OPPOSITION, Utah Division of Water Resources' Deputy Director testified in favor, Utah Farm Bureau Federation spoke without a stated position — then House floor 63-1-11 (2/12/26, lone dissent Rep. L. Hansen, who also cast the only No vote on H.B. 410), and Senate Natural Resources, Agriculture, and Environment Committee 4-0-3 (3/3/26, presented by Rep. Brooks, attorney Peter Gessel spoke to the bill). It still died three days later without a Senate floor vote — one of the most thoroughly-vetted bills in this cluster, with real recorded opposition, to still be killed.

Entire subject swapped mid-bill from a national-debt resolution to a Great Salt Lake resolution, same bill number.

The final content is a legitimate GSL resolution, but the subject-swap mechanism itself is a transparency concern.

Creates the Cultural Site Stewardship Program — recruits, trains, and certifies unpaid volunteers to monitor archaeological and paleontological sites; builds a site inventory; sets rules for reporting vandalism; runs public education; coordinates with landowners, agencies, tribes, and (added by House committee amendment) industry groups. House committee amendments also updated “Indian” to “Native American” tribes and added a savings clause preserving the division's existing duties under a separate code section. House NR&E Committee hearing (2/5/20) included State Historical Preservation Office archaeologist Chris Merritt and a retired state archaeologist in support; Senate committee hearing (2/24/20) drew support from the Utah Mining Association and the Utah Rock Art Research Association.

A genuinely uncontroversial, broadly-supported land-stewardship program — unanimous or near-unanimous at every recorded stage, with archaeologists, citizens, the mining industry, and a rock-art preservation group all on record in favor. No SITLA connection found in any document reviewed; tracked here as a standalone cultural/land-stewardship bill rather than filling either of the two still-open SITLA cultural-sites bill number gaps.

As introduced, this bill did one thing: extend the sunset date of the Alternative Dispute Resolution Act from 2026 to 2036. The first substitute expanded it into an omnibus bill extending sunset/repeal dates for roughly 16 additional boards, committees, and licensing acts (State Weed Committee, Bears Ears Visitor Center Advisory Committee, Land Use and Eminent Domain Advisory Board, Rare Disease Advisory Council, Newborn Hearing Screening Committee, Mobile Crisis Outreach Team Grant Program, Behavioral Health Receiving Center Grant Program, Child Care Advisory Committee, Health Care Providers Immunity from Liability Act, Behavior Analyst Licensing Act, Behavioral Health Crisis Response Committee, Utah Commission on Aging, and more), most extended to 2029–2036, plus a $19,000 appropriation for the Rare Disease Advisory Council. In the same code section this expansion touched line by line (§63I-1-219, repeal dates under Title 19), the Air Conservation Act, Safe Drinking Water Act, Water Quality Act, and Solid and Hazardous Waste Act's July 1, 2029 repeal dates were not added to the extension list.

The bill grew from a single-item Alternative Dispute Resolution sunset extension into a roughly 16-item omnibus sunset bill, unchanged from its first substitute through the second that passed. Nearly every other program and licensing act in the same code sections got years added to its sunset date in that expansion — the four core environmental-protection statutes, sitting in the identical subsections, were not. THREE separate votes — Senate committee (4-0-5, 2/4/26, no testimony given — Weiler simply presented the bill and the committee moved straight to a vote), the Senate's own 2nd Reading floor vote (25-0-4, 2/20/26), AND the House Judiciary Committee (10-0-1, 2/26/26, where Seth Stewart, a resident, testified in opposition — the only opposition voice found anywhere on this bill's narrow original form) — all happened under the bill's ORIGINAL, narrow title. The substitution to the roughly 16-item omnibus bill happened sometime after 2/26/26 (the S02 compare document is dated 3/4/26), meaning no committee or floor vote in either chamber is confirmed to have specifically considered the expanded content before it became law.

Introduced as a cap on punitive damages in motor-vehicle injury cases; signed with no caps, instead limiting when employers, principals and managing agents can be made to pay punitive damages for employees’ conduct, and barring insurers from pricing in punitive-damage risk. Votes: Senate 26-0, House 56-12, Senate concurrence 28-1.

Five versions; the caps were gone by the Senate floor vote. Full case file: weber-hive-sb227.html.

Creates a defense in civil lawsuits for conduct a statute, rule, permit, license or order authorized. The House passed it 65-0 with an exception for harm caused by negligent, reckless, fraudulent or deceptive conduct; the Senate committee substitute removed that exception. Senate 17-7, House concurrence 50-15.

Full case file: weber-hive-hb330.html.

Would have required voter approval before a school district issues a lease revenue bond.

Direct fix for S.B. 188's gap. Heard in House Political Subdivisions Committee, where three school-district officials testified against it; the committee unanimously recommended a substitute, then unanimously voted to hold it in the same meeting, before it was killed without ever getting a floor vote.

Same concept as S.B. 37, reattempted.

Same concern as S.B. 37. Passed a full Senate floor vote (18-11) after a Senate committee hearing with opposition testimony, but was never substantively heard in the House — placed last on a seven-bill committee agenda, only “introduced” with no presentation or discussion, before that meeting adjourned and the bill was later killed.

School Security Personnel Standards — device restrictions, new “AI glasses” definition, new Cybersecurity Commission appointment power.

Genuine security/oversight content, offset by a drafting conflict with S.B. 123 that leaves actual commission membership unresolved.

Privacy Compliance for Education Technology Vendors — stricter audits/termination, following the BYU/Internet Safety Labs study (52% of DPA-covered apps over-collected data).

Genuine accountability gain, though the underlying board rule (R277-487) still lets vendors avoid real independent audits by default.

Would have required real PID-trustee conflict disclosure plus Utah's first PID dissolution procedure.

Real accountability gain. Passed the House floor 66-1-8 and a Senate committee 5-0-2 before being killed via enacting-clause strike without a Senate floor vote.

Would have required voter approval before a school district issues a lease revenue bond.

Direct fix for S.B. 188's gap. Heard in House Political Subdivisions Committee, where three school-district officials testified against it; the committee unanimously recommended a substitute, then unanimously voted to hold it in the same meeting, before it was killed without ever getting a floor vote.

A constitutional amendment (Utah Constitution Article XIII, Section 3) that would have authorized the Legislature to exempt up to 60% of the fair market value of residential property from property tax, up from the current 45% cap. Would have required direct voter approval at the next general election, with a contingent effective date of January 1, 2027 if approved.

A real homeowner property-tax relief measure that, unlike most mechanisms in this tracker, would have required a direct public vote before taking effect — a higher transparency/accountability bar than typical legislation. As a constitutional amendment, it also needed a two-thirds vote in EACH chamber to reach voters at all. No recorded committee vote found anywhere in its status history — assigned to House Revenue and Taxation 1/30/26, then simply returned to Rules 3/2/26 with no tally shown, before being killed 3/6/26.

As introduced, would have authorized actual state loans from the existing Water Infrastructure Restricted Account for new dam/reservoir construction and capacity increases to sedimentation-affected reservoirs, with real repayment terms, required data verification, independent review, and annual reporting to the Legislative Water Development Commission. The first substitute stripped the loan authority down to a nonbinding recommendation process before the bill died — so even the version that reached final votes was already a diminished remnant of the original.

Seen and supported at every formal stage — House committee 11-0-3, House floor 63-1-11, Senate committee 4-0-3 — with real recorded opposition (Utah Rivers Council) on the record, and it still died without ever getting a Senate floor vote.

Utah Code said a local ordinance challenged by referendum “remains in effect until repealed by the voters” — the opposite of Utah Constitution Article VI, which says a challenged law has no force until voters approve it. This bill rewrote the statute to match the Constitution, so a contested local ordinance couldn't take effect while a referendum against it was pending.

Cleared committee unopposed, 8-0-3, with no witnesses testifying either way. Failed on the House floor 27-46 two weeks later — floor audio for that vote contains no spoken debate at all, so there is no record of why it was opposed. Never reached the Senate.

The same statutory conflict H.B. 120 tried to fix seven years earlier — a challenged local law taking effect before voters ever got to weigh in, contrary to the Constitution.

Passed the Senate 27-1. The House never held a recorded floor vote on it at all — it struck the bill's enacting clause instead, a procedural move that kills a bill without anyone voting no on the record.